Cuba Solidarity Campaign

A revolutionary agenda

2012-02-22T02:02:00.000-08:00

Operation Miracle

One of the problems frequently highlighted in Cuba - including by the Communist Party newspaper Granma - is that of low productivity. On our recent visit to the island with the Morning Star/Cuba Solidarity Campaign media group one friend told me ruefully: "Cubans have become used to getting everything given to them. In a sense the state has been too paternalistic."

On the one hand one can feel impressed by the somewhat leisurely pace at which work appears to be going on in the country. Tobacco workers at a factory in Pinar del Rio told us for instance that they each had a quota of 100 a day to make, from the original leaf to the finished rolled cigar, but the pace seemed unstressful and the staff were chatting and laughing as they worked.

On another occasion in Havana we stopped to chat to a flour depot worker who was having a break, sitting on a low wall against the pavement. We got talking with him and he soon told us that wages were not enough for him to buy what he wanted in cucs (the Cuban convertible peso). A discussion ensued and we must have talked for a good 20 minutes before a foreman came up and told him to get back to work. I couldn't help thinking that such a long break would not have been permitted in most workplaces in Britain.

That worker's relaxed, unhurried and unworried attitude may seem a good thing to many of us from a humanitarian point of view. But we have to admit it is probably not so good as regards efficiency or productivity. That does however raise a further question - what is a socialist society for if not to provide a comfortable and enjoyable life for all citizens? Should workers have to work at breakneck speed in order to make a living wage? Most workers would say No - working conditions should be pleasant and reasonable.

The problem is that Cuba, despite its socialist system, is still an underdeveloped country. Although the national income is more equitably distributed among the population than in any capitalist country it has to be able to afford the health and social care, education, sports and cultural facilities it provides the population.

Most Cuban people perceive the existence of a dual currency as unfair and corrosive. While at least Cubans are spared the indignity of separate hard currency shops as existed in the Soviet Union, where one could not enter unless one had hard currency, nevertheless many sought-after goods which have to be imported are only available if paid for in cucs.

One cuc is equivalent to 25 pesos. Wages are anything from 250 to 450 pesos a month, so one can see that a pair of trainers costing 50 cucs is pretty expensive. Cubans can trade their pesos for cucs and the flour-depot worker mentioned above told us that he pays 100 pesos (4 cucs) monthly towards buying his own flat, out of a monthly wage of 300 pesos.

The dual currency is a measure forced on Cuba by economic isolation due to the US blockade. The blockade prevents Cuba importing goods at cheaper rates and the US sabotages food import deals with other countries by stepping in and offering third countries more for the goods than the price already agreed with Cuba. It stops Cuba from importing advanced medicines available only in the US and prevents it from selling its own new home-developed cancer drugs, based on scorpion venom, which have proved effective in trials for certain types of cancer. It bars US citizens from visiting Cuba and it punishes banks and firms in other countries but which also have branches in the US if they try to do business with Cuba.

The blockade continues mercilessly despite the fact that at the United Nations general assembly 186 countries called again for its abolition in 2011. Only the US and Israel backed the embargo, with the tiny island states of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands and Palau abstaining.

The blockade is not merely an expression of US disapproval of the Cuban system. It is an act of war against Cuba intended to stifle the revolution, prevent the country's development and thus cause dissatisfaction among Cuba's citizens. The revolution's continued success will no doubt depend on the extent to which the Cuban Communist Party remains close to the people and is able to interpret what the people want.

The latest measures enacted by law last November allowing citizens to buy and sell their homes and cars suggest that the party is responding to popular demand. Cubans are well educated and have already achieved all the basics - good health care, social care, enough food and cheap, if still inadequate, housing. But it's probably true to say that many Cubans, especially the young, want more consumer goods, cars and better housing.

Cuba's excellence in medicine is well known and this is also now a money-spinner for the country. Cuba has contracts with several other countries to provide doctors to operate health clinics and carry out operations such as cataract removal. Operation Miracle, for example, has already restored sight to hundreds of thousands of Latin Americans. Cuban doctors work abroad for a few months or a year through such inter-government contracts and Cuba benefits from the income this generates.

Similar schemes exist for literacy teachers and increasingly for sports trainers too. Cuba is justifiably proud of its many achievements, one of the most impressive being the Latin American School of Medicine which trains doctors from poor regions of Latin America and, more recently, from other parts of the world.

We met staff and students from the school, which is set in a lovely campus by the sea. We met Vice-Dean Maritsa Gonzalez and Vice-Rector Eladio Valcarcel who told us that the idea of the school, which was set up in November 1999, came from medical brigades Cuba had sent to earthquake zones in Indonesia, Pakistan and Haiti, where they saw that poverty-stricken local populations had little or no access to doctors.

The Havana school started with 1,900 students from 18 Latin American countries. Today, after seven years of graduations, it has 10,000 students from 100 countries. All are trained free, with no tuition fees and food, lodging and a small student grant paid for by the Cuban state. The course is six years long after a one-year initial course which includes language classes for non-Spanish-speaking students.

Second-year students Joel from Guyana and Mark from the Solomon Islands told us their course was tough but that they have a lot of support to help them succeed. Mark said students are allowed to repeat years if necessary, and Joel told us: "The worst thing is getting used to the different food!"

The school is proud of the fact that 50,000 students in other countries have been trained by Cuban health brigades. Most go back to their own countries to work in the poor communities they came from. Ms Gonzalez told us: "It's like a gift from Cuba to other countries."

This article was written by Kate Clark and originally appeared in the Morning Star. The first part of the article can be read here.

The Marketing of Yoani Sánchez: Translation as invention

2012-02-14T05:22:00.000-08:00

This article originally appeared in Spanish at TLAXCALA.

As one might have expected, Bloomberg and Reuters dutifully shaded their reports on the recent visit to Cuba of Brazil’s President Dilma Rousseff with mentions of the Yoani Sánchez Twitter campaign to pressure Rousseff to intercede on Sánchez’s behalf and persuade the Cuban government to grant her an exit visa to attend a propaganda event in Brazil.

That’s not so surprising. Sánchez is an egomaniac, for sure, insisting that anyone should care in the first place, when her compatriots Olga Salanueva and Adriana Pérez O’Connor have been denied entry visas by the United States for more than a decade to visit their husbands (Rene González Sehwerert and Gerardo Hernández Nordelo, two of the Cuban Five) unjustly imprisoned in the U.S. – but if all she has to do is tweet and the press come running, judging the tweet as equal in value to Rousseff’s criticisms of the U.S. gulag at Guantánamo, well, that’s not really her fault – it’s just part of a marketing plan that counts on press complicity.

The interesting thing about this particular tweet however, was the way that the English language press went above and beyond simple translation and repetition, entering the realm of treacherous pure invention. It’s hard to tell where the invention originated though, since both Bloomberg and Reuters used the same “mistranslation” – nearly word for word.

Matthew Bristow and Cris Valerio, reporting for Bloomberg, wrote it this way:

The 36-year-old Sanchez, a critic of Castro’s government on a blog called Generation Y, referred to Rousseff’s persecution by Brazil’s 1964-1985 dictatorship in her appeal for a visa to attend a screening in Salvador of a documentary she appears in. Sanchez has been blocked from traveling abroad for the past four years.

“I saw a photo of young Dilma, sitting on a bench blindfolded as men accused her,” Sanchez wrote Jan. 24 on Twitter. “I feel that way right now.”

Jeff Franks, for Reuters, wrote:

Last week, Sanchez wrote on Twitter that she had seen a photograph of “young Dilma, sitting on a bench blindfolded as men accused her. I feel that way now.”

A compelling image, for sure. A young blindfolded woman, harassed by barking men. Compelling, except for the fact that such a photo doesn’t actually exist.

The exact words from Sánchez’s tweet were:

#cuba Vi foto de @Dilmabr joven sentada en banquillo de los acusados y juzgada por hombres con la cara tapada. Yo me siento asi mismo ahora

An accurate translation might have been:

“I saw a photo of the young Dilma seated in the dock for the accused and being judged by men who were covering their faces. That’s how I feel right now.”

Specifically, the mistranslation repeated by Bloomberg and Reuters interpreted the Spanish verb tapar, which means to cover, as vendar, which means to blindfold. It’s hardly an innocent error given the circumstances of a military trial. But the altered meaning is even worse in English, given that it’s not the accusing judges who are described as “covering their faces,” but Dilma Rousseff who is portrayed as “blindfolded.”

Not to mention Sánchez’s weak grammar in the original Spanish which begs for correction. Even the Spanish language press couldn’t resist retouching the tweet. Here’s how Argentina’s La Nacion fixed it:

“Vi la foto de Dilma sentada en el banco de los acusados y siendo juzgada por hombres que se tapan la cara. Yo me siento así ahora”

(Still well under 140 characters in case anyone thinks the original bad grammar was due to Twitter restrictions.)

And here is the photo. No blindfolded Dilma. Two men in military uniforms shielding their faces from the camera with their hands.

Thanks to WikiLeaks, we’ve known for some time that Sánchez’s “interview” with Barack Obama was actually produced by the U.S. Interests Section in Havana, not by Sánchez. How is it that a Cuban blogger can count on such teamwork – a superpower’s diplomatic staff at her disposal and a press that edits and refines her tweets?

So who really dug into the archives for the Rousseff photo and prompted the conflation of Cuba’s immigration office and Brazil’s military dictatorship, through a translation designed to sharpen that conflation and render Sánchez’s plight even more poignant and tragic?

Marketing has always recognized the ancient law of contiguity as an essential concept: as human beings we have the tendency to associate ideas or images with the ideas or images that immediately precede them, and therefore the martyrdom evoked by the characterization of a blindfolded Dilma Rousseff harassed by vociferous Brazilian military men is not accidental, but a deliberate selection to create the effect for the reader that Yoani Sánchez is the new martyr for our time. Keep in mind that most readers will accept at face value the translation proffered by the media and will not bother to look up the photo.

Who’s behind it all? Bets, anyone?

Where next for Cuba?

2012-02-07T08:31:00.000-08:00

Recent changes to Cuba's economy have raised many questions. Some see them as a move towards capitalism and as a recognition of the failure of socialism. But what is the truth? On a recent visit to the island as part of a Morning Star/Cuba Solidarity Campaign media group, we were able to get a clearer idea of what is going on.

"Many of these changes are simply a legal recognition of what was already common practice," one Havana teacher tells us.

"Garage mechanics, barbers, painters and decorators - all these sorts of tradesmen were already working outside the official economy. By legalising their work, the state can now get tax revenue from them."

One of Cuba's big problems is the generation of more capital through an efficient tax system.

"We don't really have a tax culture here," Pita Montes, of the Cuban Communist Party's international department, explains.

"Over 50 per cent of our GDP goes on free healthcare, free education, sports and cultural activities for the population and on social security to pay for social care for the elderly, disabled people etc.

"As the non-state sector grows, the self-employed have to be made aware that they must pay tax, otherwise the state will not be able to afford to continue to give all this gratis to our people."

Cubans call such tradespeople "workers on their own account." There are now self-employed "bici-taxistas" - tricycles that carry two passengers - taxi-drivers, hairdressers and barbers, restauranteurs, garage mechanics, painters and decorators and many others. By last September almost 330,000 were self-employed, of whom 60,000 were women and 7 per cent of whom had not been in work before, Montes tells us.

"We are intent on upgrading our economic model, not transforming it wholesale," Montes says.

"Changes are being introduced on the basis of socialist ownership.

"Most people here do support the revolution. You won't find insults against our leaders in our mass media, but you will find plenty of criticism."

And perusing the national daily Granma, one can certainly find readers' letters denouncing malpractices and corrupt officials, plus editorials and features in that vein too. However the question is whether the airing of such criticism is merely a safety valve or whether anything is likely to change as a result. One of the problems in today's Cuba is the number of people who are not "labour-active," as Montes puts it.

"We are reorganising the labour force," she says.

"Some people might take early retirement, others might find a different job in another state sector - construction work or in agriculture, for instance."

Retraining commissions have been set up to help people who have been outside the labour force to find work.

"There is employment for everybody," Montes maintains, "but not all of it will be office work."

One problem is the number of people, many of them young, who have got used to not working, among them the jineteros who plague foreign tourists asking for cucs - the hard currency used in Cuba alongside the national currency which local wages and salaries are paid in.

The jineteros must be the most well-dressed and well-fed beggars anywhere in the world. They are not poor in the real sense of the word - they have free healthcare, free education, even including university education, and free milk for their children up to the age of seven, but in Cuba fashionable clothes and shoes, some imported food products and the latest electronic hardware are only available in cucs.

It will not be easy to get young people like these, who have got used to not working, to move into the sector which the party and government have identified as crucial to the national economy - agriculture. To get people who are used to a relatively easy city life to move into the countryside to work as farmers would not be easy in any country, but in Cuba, where farm mechanisation is not widespread, it will be even more so.

"Food production is a question of national security for our country," the Communist Party official says.

"We need to promote agricultural production so that we become more self-sufficient."

Farmers are being given permission to lease land - any size from 13 to 33 hectares - on 10-year contracts. Cuba has six million hectares of arable land and currently 20 per cent of this land has been leased in this way to farmers.

"Between 2008 and 2011 we have given over 1.3 million hectares on lease.

"We draw up contracts with these farmers to produce such-and-such a product," Montes says, "but the land continues to belong to the state."

The government is opening shops to sell farming tools and materials and the system of credits to new and existing farmers is being introduced, but is still in its infancy. This explains why 20 per cent of agricultural land is at present unproductive. Again, the US boycott is partly to blame, as it would be much cheaper for Cuba to import agricultural machinery and tools from its nearest neighbour, the US, than to have to import from Europe or circuitously via third countries. For historical reasons a small number of farmers own their own land, such as Benito Camejo, a tobacco farmer we visited near Vinales. His family had owned vast tobacco-growing fields before the revolution, he tells us.

"After the revolution most of it was confiscated," Camejo says, "but we were left 10 hectares and we have continued to farm this land and produce the finest tobacco in the world," he says with a laugh.

A tall, slim man with a lined, tanned face, he lights up one of the cigars his little factory produces.

"One of these a day will keep you in good health!" he exclaims.

We see that he and his family live quite well. He has his own house with several outbuildings. A big pile of breeze blocks lies nearby ready for an extension he plans to build soon. He works together with his brother and their families, raising a few domestic animals, growing their own coffee, salads, fruit and vegetables.

Camejo has a contract to sell 90 per cent of his cigar production to the state. The other 10 per cent he and his family can use for themselves or sell privately. It has become possible now for Cuba to decentralise its economic model in these ways by making small trades independent of the state due to the fact that the so-called "special period" during the 1990s had ended.

Those were the tough years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which had been Cuba's main trading partner, when all trade and investment from the socialist countries suddenly came to an end and Cuba had to fend for herself economically.

Cubans refer to that period as very hard, a time when they barely had enough to eat. Yet the people seem to understand the need for that special period, as well as expressing relief that it was now over and that the economy is now - to some extent at least - looking up.

In addition to the promotion of the non-state sector, Cuba has also taken steps to make ministries more efficient. Sugar was traditionally Cuba's main product, but not any longer. Tourism is much more profitable and not so labour-intensive, so Cuba is expanding that sector very rapidly. Big new hotels can be seen along the western seaboard of Havana, in Miramar and beyond. Most of the foreign tourists are from Canada, with Britain in second place.

Many basic foodstuffs are provided by the state through a ration card system. Rice, oil, coffee, meat, pork, chicken, beans, flour and some other items are sold at very low prices to each member of the family in the same amounts, irrespective of whether the individual is a baby or an adult. Eighty per cent of these rationed items have to be imported at present, which is obviously a heavy drain on the state economy. Yet there is no reason why these same foodstuffs cannot be grown and produced in Cuba - just as pork is, of which there is an abundance.

"We want to move towards subsidising people rather than subsidising products," Montes explains.

"At present a high-earner pays the same for these products as someone on a low wage, which isn't really fair."

But the government is moving very cautiously on this one, she adds, as to cut rations to above-average earners overnight would cause too many problems for people. For the time being, rationing will continue. Cubans are very open about their feelings. They range from enthusiastic support for the government to disgruntlement with the economic situation. But all recognise their country's achievements, especially in free high-quality healthcare and education, and are aware that this is far from the case in other Caribbean and Latin American countries.

This article was written by Kate Clark and originally appeared in the Morning Star

Campaigner asks President Obama to release Miami 5 – but gets no response

2012-01-30T07:58:00.000-08:00

Andy Young, CSC Brigadista

POLITICAL campaigner Andy Young has e-mailed US President Obama in a bid to get The Cuban Five released from American custody, and he has just returned from a trip to Cuba.

Andy, 52, says the five intelligence officers convicted of espionage and other offences in Miami in the 1990s are innocent. “They were working to prevent terrorism when they were arrested,” he said.

Unemployed Andy, who lives in March, has received letters from two of the five men - also known as the Miami Five - and he has written to them in captivity.

He explained: “My son lived in Venezuela for a year, and so I got involved in South American politics.”

Andy made the three-week trip to Cuba with the Cuba Solidarity Campaign.

With other members of the Northern Brigade, Andy worked in the fields, and took various items to give to Cuban residents, including razor blades and toothpaste. They stayed in a camp while clearing ground ready for cultivation, and then spent some time sight-seeing.

Andy said: “This was the 54th trip the campaign has made to Cuba, but the first time I have been with them. Cuba is a very beautiful country. Havana is semi-derelict, but they have some magnificently preserved 50-year-old cars on the streets.

“We worked alongside the Cubans with hoes and machetes to clear away weeds, so derelict land can be brought back into production.

“Four of The Cuban Five are still in jail, and one is under house arrest, and they are not allowed to see their families. I asked President Obama to free them, but had no response.”

This article appeared in the Cambridge Times

Cuba acts as inspiration

2012-01-09T08:06:00.000-08:00

Will Stone of the Morning Star speaks to actor Adjoa Andoh about her recent trip to Cuba.

"I think Cuba has got a lot to teach us about being decent," says actress Adjoa Andoh. She's taken time out during her lunch break at the BBC, where she's recording a radio play, to tell me about her first impressions of the country.

Andoh recently made her Hollywood debut alongside Morgan Freeman in Clint Eastwood's Invictus and was one of several actors from this country to perform at the Havana Theatre Festival in November.

During their trip, organised by the Cuba Solidarity Campaign, they performed a series of works by playwright Harold Pinter, who was posthumously awarded the International Medal Of Friendship by the Cuban government for his support of Cuba, its people and the revolution.

"When we arrived the airport reminded me of being back home in Ghana, so I loved that," Andoh recalls.

"During the journey in from the airport to Havana I was struck by how green and lush everything was - very rural - and the fact that there was no advertising."

The festival's opening ceremony in a young people's centre was "just fabulous" with giant puppets, stilt-walkers, Cuban hip-hop, film installations, artwork and fireworks.

It was a "real vibrant scene," she says.

And she was impressed by meeting people working at cultural institutes who told her their job is to discover the particular gifts of children and then to put them on the path to developing those gifts. "That's really something else," she stresses.

She cites the Cuban school system, which tests children to see what they have an aptitude in so that those with an engineering will study in that direction and those with a gift for acting will go to drama school.

Apart from "free education, free healthcare, free sanitary wear and free condoms," that discovery of what it is that somebody's gifted in and "how we help them to flourish as a human being," are all things Adjoa believes Britain could follow Cuba's example in.

"That is not education's purpose in this country," she says. "We don't educate to find out what people are really good at so I feel that we are just losing the talents of huge chunks of our population because we're not looking that hard."

Apart from performing Pinter the group helped to run drama workshops and went to visit a music school where the instruments were provided by a fund set up by singer-songwriter Kirsty MacColl, a great lover of Cuba, who was tragically killed 11 years ago.

"It was like Fame in the tropics," Andoh jokes. "There would be children practising on balconies, then you would walk around a corner and there'd be someone playing a bassoon, you'd go upstairs and there'd be another child playing a cello. It was the most inspiring thing.

"We also went to a school for children with disabilities. There was no provision for these children pre-revolution and now they have schools across the island.

"But everyone is working with one hand tied behind their back because they don't get access to all the latest equipment because they're poor and because of the embargo."

Basics like loo paper and soap may be rationed in Cuba, she says, "because they're denied access for wanting to live in a world that is about valuing everybody and not one of 'you can get it if you've got the money and if you haven't got the money you get nothing'."

A negative impression from the trip is that while recognising that tourism gives its economy a welcome boost, it potentially skews Cuba's intent to create a society where all are treated as equal.

"Having tourism back is a tension," she explains.

"Those people who interact with tourists on a face-to-face level such as taxi drivers have access to income that's not available to someone who's just done a 14-hour shift in a hospital or who is doing fabulous teaching work at a school in the middle of the countryside.

"There is a sense of a project of people being of equal value in Cuba that is wonderful and my concern was our being there as tourists kind of skews that a bit and could risk causing disillusionment among Cubans."

As for the Pinter performances, Andoh says they were a resounding success. The pieces were introduced and contextualised in Spanish by Cuban actors and actresses, with the poems read in Spanish first before the actors interpreted them in English.

"Pinter's humour, the stuff about oppressive regimes, the romantic drama and the interplay between men and women all went down very well," she says.

And she was struck by incredibly low ticket prices of 10 pesos - about five pence - that ensure the arts are not an exclusive preserve for the wealthy people, "allowing for Cubans to be brought up around culture from a very young age."

The five hours in the Museum of the Revolution obviously made a huge impression on Andoh, who confesses that she "wept on every floor" to see how much people endured pre-revolution to get the dictator Batista out.

"You see what people sacrificed and see photos of young women in the movement walking through the forests carrying their rifles. Then 20 years later you see older ladies in government and it's the same women," she says.

"Castro sent medical aid to New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, to a country that embargoes Cuba. You have that sense that Cuba's mentality is that we are one human race and as citizens of the world we have a duty to commit to each other."

“Why would we adopt capitalism now?”

2012-01-05T04:36:00.000-08:00

Seminar report of ‘21st Century Cuba: Economic Development and Labour Relations’ at Latin America Conference 2011

In a lively discussion on economic developments and labour relations in 21st century Cuba, Emily Morris from London Metropolitan University began by contextualising the challenges facing Cuba’s evolving economy.

Emily demonstrated that, by 2004, the Cuban economy had recovered to the same levels as before the collapse of the Soviet Union. The recovery prior to 2004 had been driven by tourism and nickel and this had been buoyed by a surge in export services to countries such as Venezuela. Therefore, Emily concluded that, “it’s important to note that the current situation in Cuba is not due to economic mismanagement, but as a result of global financial crises” combined with the effects of three devastating hurricanes and a collapse in the price of nickel.

Emily noted that there is increasing acknowledgement of the significance of changes in Cuba and observed that some on the left – drawing parallels with the USSR’s pursuit of perestroika and glasnost – are concerned about the implications of these changes. Emily argued that it’s wrong to characterise changes as an abandoning of socialism because socialist planning will remain the main means of economic management, although it will take the market into account. Instead, Cubans talk about “perfecting socialism”.

Emily also challenged the Western assumption that economic changes in Cuba are part of “Raul’s project” by citing a speech made by Fidel in 2005 which signified a major reassessment of how the economy was run.

Furthermore, it is wrong to view changes in Cuba as a result of top-down government. As Emily showed, all policy decisions were reached through mass public consultation. Over 9 million Cubans participated in 163 000 public meetings. 3 million contributions were made and, from this, 800 000 individual ‘opinions’ were discerned which formed the basis of 311 new guidelines.

Dr Steve Ludlam of Sheffield University acknowledged that, although Cuban GDP had recovered to pre-Special Period levels by 2004/5, this had not been matched with real investment and much of the economy was still disrupted and unproductive. The economy was struggling to raise incomes and agricultural production whilst the socialist principle of distribution – that remuneration is based on input – was being challenged by unearned income through remittances.

Steve reiterated what Emily had said and argued that changes in Cuba were aimed at making the economy more efficient and “preserving the conquests of the Cuban revolution”. Steve re-emphasised the long process of public engagement and noted that all changes and developments will be carried out in a planned and orderly fashion with close consultation with workers and trade unions. “Workers are entitled to be consulted on any legislation which affects them and trade unions effectively have a veto on all workers’ legislation”. Workers’ assemblies must approve all production plans, implementation laws and collective bargaining with a turnout of at least 70%.

According to Steve, the process of restructuring “shows the power and influence of workers and trade unions in Cuba”. Cuba is trying to break away from the attitude of the 1990s and embrace self-employment. Trade unions are at the centre of these developments and are communicating directly with self-employed people to find out how they can represent them and offer support. As a result, self-employed people have the same rights to pensions, accident benefits and other social security as other Cuban workers. All this testifies to the inclusive and democratic nature of politics in Cuba which embraces trade unionism and workers as a core pillar of government.

Carlos Alfaro from the Cuban Embassy echoed the conclusions of the two British academics and emphasised Cuba’s commitment to socialism. Carlos said that there has been three crucial moments for the Cuban economy since 1959: First after the triumph of the revolution, second after the collapse of the Soviet Union and third the current global financial crisis. “Three times we have faced a major economic dilemma and three times we have rejected a capitalist model – why would we adopt capitalism now?”

“We leave your country with hope in our hearts”

2012-01-04T07:09:00.000-08:00

Photo by Mark Thomas

The three surviving mothers of the Miami Five have thanked trade unionists for the help and support offered to them during a recent visit to the UK, writes CSC Communications Manager Natasha Hickman for Union News.

Irma Sehwerert, Magali Llort, and Mirtha Rodriguez came to the UK in December to speak at Unite sector conferences and to speak at the annual Cuba Solidarity Campaign vigil outside the US Embassy in London.

Their sons were arrested by the FBI in September 1998 and charged with spying, shortly after they had passed information to the US government about terrorist groups operating from Miami who were planning attacks against the Cuba people.

Although best known as the mothers of the Five, all three women played their own individual roles in building the Cuban society and revolution for which their sons sacrificed their freedom.

Rene’s mother, Irma, grew up in Chicago and between1956-59 was active in raising US funds for the 26th July Movement in support of Fidel Castro’s guerrilla army. Both Magali and Mirtha were once trade union leaders in their own right, and all three expressed a keen interest in, and support for the 30th November public pension strike action which took place during their stay.

Speaking at the Candlelit Vigil outside the US embassy on 1 December, Magali paid tribute to the striking workers: “Cuba is present alongside you and anyone engaged in struggle for justice in whatever part of the world.”

With such a family legacy, it is no wonder their sons became heroes and volunteered to defend the country and revolution their mothers had helped to build.

In the 90s, Rene, Antonio, Ramon, Gerardo and Fernando, infiltrated right-wing Miami based groups responsible for almost 3,500 Cuban deaths since 1959. The information they gathered was passed on to the FBI, who rather than arrest the terrorists, arrested the five, and charged them with conspiracy to commit espionage and sentenced to harsh jail terms of 15 years to double life.

Their case has been taken up by Nobel prize winners, and religious, legal and human rights groups across the world including Amnesty International. In the UK, both the TUC and many unions have passed conference motions and are active in support of the campaign for justice for these five Cuban men unjustly imprisoned in US jails since 1998 for trying to stop terrorist attacks against their country.

“Since this date there has not been a moment of happiness. In the years that have passed we have witnessed violations of their rights, difficulties visiting them, and denial of visas to two of their wives. It has been a nightmare that has lasted more than 13 years” explains Irma.

And since their arrests in 1998, the families have continued to fight for their freedom, travelling around the world, speaking to whoever will listen and trying to break the international silence around the case.

Irma has just returned from visiting her son in Miami. Although released on 7 October 2011, Rene must stay another three years on supervised release. His mother is visibly and justifiably worried for his safety since he must live in a secret location, forced into hiding in close proximity the very terrorist groups that he was in the US to infiltrate.

“The media silence has prohibited people from knowing that our sons were only in Miami to monitor groups that have devastated the lives of thousands of Cuban families by carrying our terrorist activities against Cuba for more than 50 years. Their only mission was to find out about these actions to stop them from happening again, not just against Cubans but against the American people and other nationalities visiting Cuba too.”

Antonio’s mother Mirtha is just a few weeks away from her 80th birthday and painfully aware that she may not live to see justice for her son. “I don’t have much time left. Antonio must serve another five years, and then a further five on supervised release in the US. My life is short but what I have experienced since being here fills me with hope for the future and for my son. I can see that the work you are doing in the UK is real, and it won’t stop when we get on the plane back to Havana. I know you will continue fighting for Antonio when I am no longer able to do so myself.”

Speaking alongside Brendan Barber, Tony Woodley, Sally Hunt and 19 other trade union leaders and MPs at the annual US Embassy candlelit vigil for the Miami Five the three mothers gave thanks to the 250 people gathered there and the wider trade union and solidarity movement in Britain.

“We had heard about your work before but we want to tell you with all our hearts that what we have experienced has completely surpassed every expectation we had. We bring thanks and love from the Five to you all, and thank you for the warmth and solidarity which you have shown us in our short time here.

“We leave your country with hearts full of hope and with immense thanks for all that you are doing for Cuba and for the Five.”

Two fantastic opportunities to spend May Day 2012 in Cuba

2011-12-22T06:05:00.000-08:00

Witness the sights, sounds and smells of Cuba and experience firsthand the principles of equality, community and international solidarity.

The Cuba Solidarity Campaign is organising two specialised trade union visits to Cuba next Spring to enjoy the iconic and unforgettable May Day celebrations and learn more about the country, its unions and the effects of the US blockade.

The Young Trade Unionists’ May Day Brigade and the May Day Study Tour will show solidarity with over one million Cuban workers as they parade through Havana’s Plaza de la Revolución.

"The May Day parade was amazing. It was moving to see so many people coming together to celebrate their country" - Lisa, May Day Brigade 2011)

Participants will visit Havana’s famous Museum of the Revolution and receive an exclusive invitation to the International Solidarity Conference alongside activists from across the globe and families of the Miami 5. Professional visits to schools, factories, hospitals and universities will provide insight into the achievements of the revolution and allow delegates to strengthen links with sister unions.

“Cuba really opened my eyes about what can be achieved in a society built around working together for the benefit of everyone” - James, May Day Brigade 2008

Our fifth annual May Day Brigade will also contribute to the agricultural development of the country through voluntary work sessions as participants discover the reality of life for Cubans living under the illegal US blockade of their country. Over 100 young trade unionists – from Unison, Unite, GMB, CWU, RMT, TSSA, BFAWU, PCS and the UCU – have previously taken part in our May Day Brigade.

“The May Day Brigade was one of the best experiences of my life. Viva Cuba!” - Vikki, May Day Brigade 2011

Both tours are a wonderful opportunity to see the real Cuba away from the usual tourist trail. They provide an inspiring and humbling view of Cuba’s intrepid resistance against 50 years of blockade and allow you to experience Cuba’s rich and diverse cultural heritage whilst providing visible solidarity and support to the Cuban people.

Young Trade Unionists’ May Day Brigade, 26 April – 10 May 2012, £999 – Cost includes flights, accommodation, food, transport and visas. Delegates will stay on the Julio Mella camp outside Havana and will take part in solidarity work. Three nights will be spent at the Hotel Vedado in Old Havana. Although aimed at young trade unionists, all are welcome!
May Day Study Tour, 22 April – 3 May 2012, price starts at £1,415 – Cost includes flights, accommodation, transport and visas. Accommodation in Havana will be in the iconic Hotel Plaza.

For more information and to book, please follow the hyperlinks above or drop us an email.

Trade Unions for Cuba - Issue 2

2011-12-22T04:38:00.000-08:00

The second issue of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign’s eNewsletter ‘Trade Unions for Cuba’ is now available online. The newsletter aims to celebrate collaboration between CSC, British trade unions and trade unions in Cuba. It brings up-to-date news on trade unionism in Cuba, reports on CSC’s work with unions domestically, mobilises campaigns and promotes events, brigades and tours.

The Winter 2011/12 edition features details of our new END IT NOW! campaign to mark the 50th anniversary of the United States’ blockade of Cuba next year. There is also information on how the British trade union movement is leading the fight in defence of the Miami 5 and how you can get involved with the campaign as part of the upcoming Beyond the Frame art exhibition.

It also includes a report on CSC’s presence at trade union conferences recently and information on two fantastic trips we’re taking to Cuba next Spring – the May Day Study tour and May Day Brigade.

The newsletter can be viewed here. Please feel free to forward to colleagues, share on social networking sites or print-off and distribute around notice boards and offices. If you would like to receive future copies, please email CSC Campaigns Officer Dan Smith.

Cuban Olympic legend laments the debilitating effects of US blockade

2011-12-19T07:13:00.000-08:00

Cuban Olympic legend Alberto Juantorena talks exclusively to the Morning Star's Greg Leedham about his unrivalled track feat and what sport means for his blockaded country

Alberto Juantorena, the Cuban runner who stunned the world by winning gold in the 400m and 800m at the 1976 Olympics, talks about politics with the same bullishness with which he used to gallop around the track in his heyday.

"We cannot buy anything from the United States," he tells me, thumping his hand down on the table next to us as we chat in a dimly lit room at the HQ of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign in London.

The man known as El Caballo (The Horse) is referring to the 50-year-old US blockade of his homeland - a policy which permeates all activity on the island, including his day job as a parliamentarian and vice-president of the Cuban Sport Institute.

"For example, our pole-vaulters need poles, but the pole they use is produced in the United States. UCS Enterprise (who produce the poles) - we cannot buy from them."

Juantorena, now 61, proceeds to offer a detailed description of wheeling and dealing of which Tottenham manager Harry Redknapp would be proud.

"I call a friend of mine in Mexico, who was a former president of their federation. I say: 'Listen, Pedro, go to UCS, talk to them' - they are also friends of mine but I cannot trade with them directly.

"Pedro calls Jack (of UCS) and Jack sends the pole to Mexico. Pedro then takes the pole and brings it back to Guadalajara" for the 2011 Pan-American Games.

At this point, Juantorena exclaims at the ludicrousness of the situation he finds himself in on a daily basis. "My friend! What is this, my friend?"

His struggle to provide basic equipment for his country's athletes stands in stark contrast with the money Britain is able to throw at its own - £264 million worth of funding between 2009 and 2013.

Yet while time has eroded Juantorena's famous afro, his enthusiasm for the Cuban system remains, as does his belief that money is not the crucial factor in producing world-class sportsmen and women.

"Let me tell you something," Juantorena says, leaning towards me as if he is about to reveal a big secret.

"We practise sport in my country with a real lack of everything. Almost from nothing. Our infrastructure is not sophisticated. Our track and field stadium, our baseball stadium - they are not sophisticated.

"But we pay a lot of attention to physical education. It is compulsory in the schools - from primary schools through to university, and it produces athletes like a windmill." Juantorena makes a spiralling motion with his hands.

"And it never stops. Never stops, never stops. You know why? Because if you have mass participation, you have 2.5m students from primary school to university practising sport at least three times a week, and then you can sit down and qualify and see the talent, select the talent - it's easy! That's the secret of Cuban sport."

Critics argue that windmill has been malfunctioning a little of late. By their high standards, Cuba had a poor Olympics in Beijing in 2008, winning just two golds from 24 medals overall and finishing 28th in the final table.

Compare that with Athens in 2004 when Cuba won nine golds - the same number as Britain - and finished 11th overall.

Juantorena believes Beijing was merely a blip and, regardless, he says the point of Cuban sport is not medals but the overall well-being of the Cuban people.

"That's why we promote sport," he says. "Not to compete but to increase the life expectancy of people, to increase the health of the people first and as a consequence you can find the talent and you can find the medals."

It is a model driven by 78,000 physical education teachers, compared with, he says, 800 before Fidel Castro came to power in 1959.

Such is the human investment in sport - thousands of staff working on low wages across the island - that Juantorena seems personally betrayed by those who reap the benefits of the Cuban system only to defect. How does he feel about a compatriot who is seduced by riches in the US or Europe?

"Stupid guy," he shrugs. "For me as an individual to become Olympic champion is impossible.

"I was born in Santiago de Cuba in very humble family in a very humble home, you know, and I feel sorry for them (defectors).

"Who made those athletes great stars? By themselves? From childhood they have schools, they have been supported by the municipal, by the state. The state pays everything to them.

"They think more with the pocket than with the heart - that is a fact. But let me tell you something - they are not many.

"The majority are in Cuba, fighting and leading."

One of those who had riches dangled in front of him but chose to stay in Cuba was boxer Teofilo Stevenson, who was reportedly offered as much as $5m to turn professional and fight Muhammad Ali but famously declined, saying the love of the Cuban people was more important to him.

"An example that real people don't sell their soul," Juantorena beams. "That was the guy to be."

Juantorena is as talkative an interviewee as you could ever meet, but my next question has him momentarily tongue-tied.

Would he ever accept a defector back into the Cuban team?

"He begins his response twice, breaking off mid-sentence on each occasion.

Silence briefly fills the room. After a few more seconds of reflection, he says: "In my personal opinion, I say no."

The lull provides an opportune moment to turn the conversation to his staggering feat of winning gold in the 400m and 800m gold in Montreal.

With athletes today tending to specialise in one event, his unique achievement of winning at sprint and middle distance is unlikely to be repeated.

Juantorena springs back to life at the mention of his career-defining moment.

"Nobody took into consideration the tall guy with the basketball socks," he grins. "Nobody cared about me and suddenly, boom, I kill everyone. That's a fact, that's a fact!"

Before Montreal, Juantorena specialised in the 400m until his Polish trainer Zygmunt Zabierzowski tricked him into running the 800m. He began training for the event - to help his endurance, he was told - and it was only two months before the Games that he realised Zabierzowski's plan.

"I say: 'No way, man, you crazy'," he recalls. "You know why? Because I was afraid. Because I know that the 800m was the first race. What happens if I get tired and nothing happen in 800 and nothing happen in 400?

"But he gave me the confidence, he proved to me that I can do it. And suddenly one time I was running for the first time in my life in May 1976.

"I ran 1'45.3". I say: "Caramba! I can do it!" And then psychologically I start to believe that really I can do it."

He blew away the field in the 800m final, breaking the world record in the process. Three days later, he added the 400m title. A legend was born then and it has continued to grow given that no-one has replicated his feat in the 35 years since.

Juantorena believes it is lack of ambition that could prevent someone today trumping him.

"Human beings have been proved in world history to do unbelievable things. You never know with a human being! Maybe they run 800m, 1,500m and 100m - you never know. It is difficult, but it is not impossible."

Injuries dogged Juantorena for the rest of his career, preventing him from adding to his Olympic tally, though he says his biggest regret is never winning a gold at the Pan-American Games.
His greatest challenge today is continuing to convince Cubans of the importance of sport.

He looks utterly bemused when I tell him of those on the British left who believe that sport is a distraction from more important struggles.

"Firstly, they are wrong," he says, chuckling. "The sport is a benefit for health. First to be a better citizen, to have better health. Second, sport is a good moment to socialise, to be together, to share things and to teach you to think collectively."

The Cuban programme for sport is certainly ambitious. Juantorena tells me of his country's efforts to develop cricket on the island, as well as football with the help of Fifa.

Yet his and Cuba's biggest battle remains with their superpower neighbour - a nation which, he tells me, has denied him a visa four times.

One day things will change, he believes, but only if the US approaches Cuba as equals.

"We don't need to make any move to them," Juantorena says, leaning forward in his chair and fixing me with a stern stare to emphasise his point.

"We don't need to ask them: 'Please change.' No, on the contrary they must approach us and sit down at the table, without any previous condition and we can talk about everything in life.

"Our president Raul (Castro) said to Barack Obama many times a message - let's sit down together at the table without any previous conditions. He never answered."

You sense that deep down Juantorena knows that change is unlikely to come soon.

He says Cuba will do better at London 2012 - just don't ask him to predict the number of medals they will win.

His patriotism is clear and he leaves me with a glowing endorsement of the Cuban system.

"You have many in Cuba fighting and working to improve the whole condition in every aspect in my country. I am one of them and I will die in Cuba. I will die there."

Alberto Juantorena visits Hackney school ahead of the London 2012 Olympics

2011-12-15T04:17:00.000-08:00

Alberto Juantorena, Cuban world champion middle distance runner and Vice President of INDER, the Cuban Institute of Sport, visited Hackney on a pre-Olympic visit. He made a special visit to meet with children at Grasmere Primary School on Albion Road, in Newington Green.

Children watched a video of Juantorenna winning the 800 metres Gold medal at the 1976 Olympics in Montreal. Then, after a few questions from an awestruck, audience the runner produced the actual gold medal from his pocket. He then visited a few of the classes to talk some more to the students. Alberto’s key message was repeated a number of times when he said:

“to achieve something like this Olympic gold you need three things discipline, dedication and passion”

At the 1976 Summer Olympics, Juantorena became the first and so far only athlete to win both the 400m and 800m Olympic titles setting world records at both events. With his famous sprint and his unique middle distance combination he seemed to have heralded a new era and style for middle-distance runners. In the 1970’s Juantorena was often referred to as ‘White Lightening’ or ‘El Caballo’ (the horse).

Current UK Olympic chief Sebastian Coe is a friend and admirer of Juantorena. In 1979 Sebastian Coe finally broke Juantorena’s 800m record which he had held for 3 years.

"I remember seeing him in Montreal and thinking, 'I'm in the wrong distance.' This was a record that was sensational." - Sebastian Coe

Juantorena is one of the most prominent Cuban sporting figures and travels the world in his role as a council member of the International Athletics Federation (IAAF). He has always maintained the highest standards in support of athletics and sports in general and is a great exponent of the Cuban sports ethos.

“We want to promote the great qualities of athletics - and maintain its integrity - all over the world.”

Alberto Juantorena maintains his belief in the Cuban way

2011-12-14T02:22:00.000-08:00

Juantorena wins the 400m gold at the 1976 Olympics

He's a legend of the five-ringed circus, but money still can't buy Alberto Juantorena, writes Rick Broadbent in the Times and the Australian

Alberto Juantorena, who won two gold medals at the 1976 Olympics, recently visited a London school where a child asked how much his medals were worth. The man they call El Caballo (The Horse) didn't know. Nobody had asked him the question before. Perhaps that is Britain's problem.

As London gets its head around an pound stg. 81 million ($125m) budget for the Olympic opening and closing ceremonies, it is fascinating to sit with a product of the Cuban revolution, who won the 400m and 800m titles in Montreal. It's trite to term Juantorena simply an Olympic legend; this imposing figure is also a part-time politician and paid-up visionary who says he knows the secret of success.

"Chess," he declares, the voice of suave ribaldry fading to a whisper. "You know the spirit and heart of chess in my country?" he asks. "Che Guevara."

A mural of the revolutionary is above us on the wall of a cluttered office belonging to the Cuba Solidarity Campaign in London.

"He was the promoter of chess in my country, and knew that it helped a student look for a solution. It teaches you how to think, so chess is a sport we implant into minds. It's taught from primary school to university. It's essential."

State-sponsored board games seem a leap of faith from the 1976 Montreal Olympics, when Juantorena completed the "impossible" double of 400m and 800m, and yet his faith in the Cuban system is unassailable.

His blueprint for success taps into debates about Xbox motivations and 2012 legacies.

"The reason we are so successful is because we focus on children," he says. "In primary school they are taught physical education three times a week. We have 2.5 million students practising this. It's the system combined with the intelligence of the people. That's why we have 78,000 PE teachers. That's why we are a small country which wins medals."

In Cuba this took a revolution; London will have to make do with a two-week knees-up. Juantorena, now an ursine 61, paints a rosy red picture of communist Cuba and believes it punches above its weight because it values sport properly. Thank Fidel Castro for that.

"When I came home from Montreal in 1976 I was the first to descend the plane," he says. "Fidel was there. We embraced. We talked of many things and I realised he was a 100 metres runner. He told me he won in the 1946 inter-college competition. He said, 'I had a long stride, like you'.

"Fidel was the philosopher who created sport in my country. After the revolution, it did not matter what race, religion or gender you were, you had the opportunity to practise sport."

Juantorena left Castro at the airport and went back to work.

"I volunteered to pick coffee, cut sugar cane and plant vegetables," he says. "I did that for two weeks. My medals did not belong to me. Other athletes dedicated medals to their families; I dedicated mine to the anniversary of the Moncada Garrison because they gave Cuba freedom."

His success in Montreal is unlikely to be repeated. He was a 400m specialist recovering from two operations on his foot until his Polish coach, Zygmunt Zabier-zowski, had a brainwave.

"'One day,' he said, 'you will run the 800 in the next Olympics' and I jumped as high as Javier Sotomayor (the Olympic high jump champion). I was afraid. I thought I'd be too tired. I'd lose everything. But he tried me with the long-distance runners. They tried to kill me and they couldn't. So he put me in a race in Italy. It was the first time I'd run 800m in my life and I ran 1min 45.76sec."

He is grinning widely now. "I went to the Olympics and became the only man in history to run on every day of the athletics program. They changed the schedule for me and started calling me El Caballo the horse."

Commentator David Coleman went further. "The big Cuban opened his legs and showed his class," he said, thus starting an industry in commentating gaffes.

American rival Rick Wohlhuter had said that Juantorena would be unable to cope with the 800m rounds, but his classy three-metre stride resulted in magic as well as mirth and he set a world record. "My coach said that because of my 400 speed, a first lap of 50 seconds would be like walking. I hung back and hung back. Wohlhuter was crazy. He went on the outside and so ran 820 metres. In the last 20 metres (Belgian) Ivo Van Damme got the silver."

An unspectacular qualification for the 400m final exhumed double doubts. "I was in the lane two. That's the second killing lane, but I had an advantage because I could see them all. I was so confident. I was not running but floating and then, boom, in the last 50 I killed them all."

Thus an Olympic hero was created. He became a celebrity and yet remained humble, even when taking on roles such as vice-president of INDER, the Cuban sports institute that once set up 31 sports centres in the Escambray Mountains because Castro felt the remote region was a source of untapped potential.

Juantorena does not accept many interviews and his patriotism may appear one-eyed in the wake of numerous defections.

The country's leading baseball team, Industriales, has struggled this season after seven players fled the country. Add five National Ballet dancers and a star soccer player, who shimmied down a hotel fire escape in North Carolina, and it's clear that the monthly government salary the equivalent of $US16 does not suit all. Olympic champions fare better with a lifetime monthly stipend of $US300, but can Castro's ideals survive the modern age?

"It is not a big problem but it becomes big propaganda," Juantorena says. "The press say Cubans are running from the system because they are oppressed, because they kill people, because they put people in jail, but this is bullshit. I feel sorry for them. The socialist system gave me all possibilities and all they asked was that I stayed loyal and said thank you."

Britain has a former Cuban triple jumper in its track team. Yamile Aldama's story is complex, but she competed for Sudan after leaving Cuba with her Scottish husband. Now she has a British passport and was fifth at the world championships, one of the so-called "plastic Brits".

"I know her very well," Juantorena says. "She decided to abandon Cuba and went to this place and that place. It's her own decision. I am strongly against the trafficking of athletes who change country from one day to the next. They are selling themselves as merchandise. The real person, the real human being who loves their country, believes in something and never changes their allegiance. You have to be honest and follow your dignity. Now you see some guy and he is not able to even sing the national anthem."

Cuba dropped from fifth in the Olympic medals table in 1992 to 28th by 2008 but Juantorena insists defections do not add up to a defect in the system. It is just increasingly hard to compete.

When the country's biggest athletics star, hurdler Dayron Robles, was disqualified from the gold medal position at the world championships, he said that it was because he came from Cuba. Juantorena rejected any conspiracy theories but said he agreed.

Whether Cuba can continue to punch above its weight in London remains to be seen, but El Caballo is convinced. "This system works," he said. "You cannot go through sport or life motivated only by money."

He plays with his gold medal; the other is in a museum in Havana for the people. Even in a five-ring circus, with cynics pointing to its budget as proof that the Olympics are more corporate carve-up than sporting carnival, some things cannot be bought.

‘We prepare athletes for sport – and life’

2011-12-07T06:14:00.000-08:00

President Raul Castro with 2008 Cuban Olympic team

Morning Star sports editor Greg Leedham talks to Cuban ex-110m hurdler Emilio Valle and Cuban junior athletics coach Alfredo Dijhigo. From today's Morning Star.

Emilio Valle and Alfredo Dijhigo attract a lot of attention on an otherwise uneventful and very blustery autumn afternoon as I take them to see the Olympic Stadium in Stratford.

Walking along the Greenway path that straddles the site, Valle, a successful 110 metres hurdler who narrowly missed out on a medal at the Atlanta Olympics, and Dijhigo, a coach with Cuba’s junior athletics team, are quickly swamped by local teenagers keen to know more about these two men whose colourful Cuban national team uniforms cut through the dreariness of the weather.

The scene is the kind that Olympic organisers dream of — role model athletes inspiring and engaging local children. The pair, visiting London on a cultural and athletics exchange organised by Maurice Sharp of the Hercules Wimbledon Athletics Club, are worthy of the hype.

Valle and Dijhigo work with Cuba’s young athletes from the ages of 14 to 19, preparing them for hopefully successful careers with the senior team. It is a tough job — both earn around $30 a month and they struggle with equipment shortages due to the US blockade of their country, but they stay remarkably upbeat nonetheless.

This is partly due to the fact that, with Dijhigo aged 53 and Valle 44, the blockade has been in place before they were born. It is a way of life, just as struggle against great odds is a part of the Cuban experience.

The Special Period following the collapse of the Soviet Union also ushered in an age of acute austerity even by Cuban standards. Scrimping on sporting equipment was a necessity yet the Caribbean island still thrived on the Olympic stage.

Rigorous planning and ingenuity in making meagre funds go far has been essential to their success, explains Dijhigo back at the Morning Star offices.

“For us discipline is very important,” he says. “It’s possible that we don’t have the same economy as other countries, where development may be better. But the intention and the way we see life — it is the same.”

The willingness of former Cuban athletes to give back to the system that created them is also key. “He (Emilio) was my student, one of my athletes,” Dijhigo explains.

“When he was working in a physical education he was my athlete. Now we are working together as coaches. I gave him my experience. Now he must pass on his experience. We must transmit our experience and we cannot break the chain.”

A few Cuban athletes, such as flyweight boxer Yuriorkis Gamboa who won gold at Athens 2004, have broken that chain by defecting to the United States.

Dijhigo is phlegmatic about those who leave, though he laments that the country’s youth will no longer be able to benefit from their experience.

“If some athletes want to go professional — OK, no problem,” he says. “Only we never stop working. We never stop preparing athletes.”

He expands on his philosophy. “Sport is like the discipline of life. If you obey the discipline of life you can be, you can do better, you can offer more. You can offer more and also you cannot be selfish — it is not only for you.

“You should be grateful to the ancestor, the people who came before you, who give to you all that you received, and now you are offering.”

Cuba have won 194 medals in total at summer Olympics, with 100 of these coming in boxing and athletics. The country is broadening its horizons though, Dijhigo explains, despite incredible logistical issues when it comes to acquiring equipment.

“In cycling, we are getting better. But the bicycles we want to buy are from the United States, which is very close,” he explains. “But we have to buy from another place. We cannot buy from Mexico as the companies are owned by the US companies. We have to, for example, get a Jamaican to go to Mexico and buy a bicycle and bring it to Cuba after going back through Jamaica.

“We have one bicycle for every two or three athletes — a direct effect of the blockade.”

Such struggle would provoke bitterness in many, but not in Dijhigo nor Valle, whose joviality transcends his lack of English.

Valle competed against the likes of Britain’s Colin Jackson in his heyday — and has fond memories of competing at the top in an event in which Cuba now has the Olympic champion in Dayron Robles.

“I competed against athletes from many countries, but we were all friends,” Valle recalls fondly. “We may have a different system or way of life, but we would talk, be friends, no problem.”

As the duo depart, I am told that part of the schedule for their short trip is to take some training sessions with athletes from Sharp’s club and it reminds me of Dijhigo’s earlier remark, “We not only prepare athletes but a person who can be a good person in society.”

Valle and Dijhigo’s actions show that these are not mere words.

Alberto Juantorena to visit UK

2011-11-30T01:40:00.000-08:00

Alberto Juantorena, Cuban world champion middle distance runner and Vice President of INDER, the Cuban Institute of Sport, will be coming to the UK as a guest of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign. He will be attending a number of events and meetings around that time with a focus on parliament and the upcoming London Olympics.
At the 1976 Summer Olympics, Juantorena became the first and so far only athlete to win both the 400 and 800m Olympic titles setting world records at both events. With his famous sprint and his unique middle distance combination he seemed to have heralded a new era and style for middle distance runners. In the 1970’s Juantorena was often referred to as ‘White Lightening’ or ‘El Caballo’ (the horse).

Current UK Olympic chief Sebastian Coe is a friend and admirer of Juantorena and they ran against each other on a number of occasions in the late 1970s. In 1979 Sebastian Coe finally broke Juantorena’s 800m record

"I remember seeing him in Montreal and thinking, 'I'm in the wrong distance.' This was a record that was sensational." - Sebastian Coe

With the 2012 London Olympics fast approaching his visit is a timely reminder of the strength of Cuban sporting achievement, reflecting the open participatory nature of sport and culture within Cuban society.

Juantorena is one of the most prominent of Cuban sporting figures and travels the world in his role as a council member of the International Athletics Federation (IAAF). He has always maintained the highest standards in support of athletics and sports in general and is a great exponent of the Cuban sports ethos.

“We want to promote the great qualities of athletics - and maintain its integrity - all over the world.”

Juantorena will be one of the special guest speakers at the Latin America Conference on December 3rd at Congress House. He will speak alongside three of the mothers of the Miami Five as well as over 50 speakers from Latin America and Cuba.

Juantorena's visit is a real opportunity for people to hear first hand from this true great of world athletics

For media enquiries and hi-res photos contact Cuba Solidarity Campaign via telephone 0208 800 0155 or email

Watch Juantorena discuss the 800m with Sebastian Coe, Wilson Kipketer, and David Rudisha

Watch Juantorena win the 800m at 1976 Olympic games

Latin America Conference 2011

2011-11-09T08:52:00.000-08:00

This year's Latin America Conference will feature special guests from Cuba including Alberto Juantorena - former Olympic gold medalist - and mothers of the Miami 5.

Tickets available from the Cuba Solidarity Campaign via telephone (020 8800 0155) or online.

Please join the Facebook Event to stay up-to-date with speakers. Full details can also be found here.

Vigil for the Miami Five

2011-11-09T02:04:00.000-08:00

Please start mobilising for this Vigil today. Bring candles, flags and trade union banners.

Full details and Facebook group here. Full list of speakers here.

How the U.S. is preparing a "Cuban Spring"

2011-11-01T03:06:00.000-07:00

Felice Gorordo, who has worked in the White House, is one of the founders of Roots of Hope.
The organisation is part of Washington's latest offensive against Cuba

Haitians have repeatedly witnessed how Washington carries out “regime change” in the past two decades. In the lead-up and aftermath of the 1991 and 2004 coups, we saw how the U.S. concocted organizations like the Democratic Convergence and Group of 184 through the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). U.S. subversion has succeeded twice in Haiti, but it has failed miserably dozens of times in our neighbor Cuba. Let’s look at the most recent destabilization campaign they are cooking up for our Cuban brothers and sisters.

The U.S. government has been trying to snuff out the Cuban revolution for over 50 years. Through multiple attacks by the CIA, it has tried everything, but the Cuban revolution continues on its socialist path, benefitting not only the Cuban people but other peoples of the world – with doctors, soldiers, and technicians – thanks to Cuba’s revolutionary internationalism.

Now, the U.S. is trying to take advantage of popular struggles, like those in the Arab world, against the very governments which it used to support. These struggles are often led by the large, educated young generation of 15 to 30-year-olds. Using this model, the U.S. wants to prepare Cuba’s youth for a counter-revolution. By working through a Cuban-American organization called “Roots of Hope” – "Raíces de Esperanza" in Spanish – U.S. officials dream of organizing a "Cuban spring."

Roots of Hope was launched in 2003 by a group of idealistic young Cuban-Americans. Their website says: "We are a network of more than 3,000 students and young professionals across the U.S. and abroad focused on empowering Cuban youth. We seek to inspire young people to care about Cuba, think outside the box and proactively support our young counterparts on the island through innovative means. In 2003, we were founded by college students as an association between the Georgetown and Harvard Cuban American student groups. Today, we encompass a dynamic and diverse group of young servant leaders throughout the U.S. with students at more than 55 universities and young professionals in Boston, New York, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, Chicago and Miami. We hope to make a positive impact on Cuba."

One of the main projects of Roots of Hope is to send cellphones to Cuban youth to “help them connect with each other.” It has also established a fund to promote travel to Cuba by young Cuban-Americans.

According to its leaders, the organization is apolitical, with members having very different views on U.S. policy toward Cuba. Since its founding in 2003, Roots of Hope has sponsored academic forums at Harvard, Georgetown, Princeton, Duke and the University of Pennsylvania, through a network of over 2,000 students, young professionals and graduates, representing more than 87 schools and 28 affiliated organizations.

They define their mission as "empowering youth to become authors of their own future." Their vision:

A day when Cuban youth are empowered with the necessary skills and opportunities to make a successful future for themselves and their families in Cuba. A day when youth on the island can freely participate in open exchanges about their ideas, hopes, dreams, and realities. A day when Cuban youth can freely say, think, feel, or do what they want and not what they're told – without repression. When Cuban youth in and outside of the island can be reunited.

Is this what is called apolitical? Isn’t the political message loud, clear and concrete?

One of the founders of Roots of Hope is Felice Gorordo. He is a White House employee in the White House Fellows program. As the White House’s website explains:

Founded in 1964, the White House Fellows program is one of America's most prestigious programs for leadership and public service. White House Fellowships offer exceptional young men and women first-hand experience working at the highest levels of the federal government.

Gorordo works in the Office of Public Engagement and Intergovernmental Affairs at the White House. He also worked with the George W. Bush administration’s Cuba Transition Coordinator, Caleb McCarry, who was responsible for defending U.S. interests in Cuba and promoting the Cuban revolution’s destruction.

Another founding member of Roots of Hope is Tony Jimenez. He said the group is nonpartisan, that the organization works hard to stay above the political fray regarding Cuba.

However, Roots of Hope is an organization of the reactionary right, supported by the Cuban Democratic Directorate, and the Cuban American Legislators, two virulently anti-Cuban-Revolution organizations based in Florida.

So here we have an organization which purports to not support or endorse any political group or candidate, and to be apolitical. Is it due to this complete lie that many young people in the United States have innocently joined it, unaware of the truth? This organization, which claims to work for the unity of young Cubans, creating a link between young people in Cuba and the United States, is a rising force which the enemies of the Cuban revolution have concocted to destabilize Cuba. Its real role is to assist the struggle of U.S. imperialism against Cuba. They aim to, as their website says to “use new media to promote positive social change in the U.S. and Cuba.” Of course, Roots of Hope did not choose other ways to help young Cubans, like, say, Pastors for Peace, which brought busloads of medicine and medical equipment. Instead, Roots of Hope sends Cuba cellular telephones so it can try to corrupt young people with counter-revolutionary text messages and voice mails.

How can this organization, which claims to be apolitical, be linked to and working in solidarity with the infamous “Ladies in White” (Las Damas de Blanco) and support the arch-reactionary blogger Yoani Sánchez. Who’s fooling whom?

In fact, the work of Roots of Hope is not much different from that done by the accomplished international terrorist Orlando Bosch Avila and his criminal organization, of which the terrorist Luis Posada Carriles is an influential member. On their site, Roots of Hope even sends a solidarity message to the Ladies in White, employed by the CIA: "You sent a strong message of support to those who struggle for human rights and nonviolent change in Cuba. With this momentum, together let’s take the next steps to make an impact on the island and empower those who hunger for change in Cuba!"

And who funds Roots of Hope? In addition to the U.S. government, Roots of Hope is sponsored by Bacardi Rum, Liberty Power, Hispanic Magazine, Navarro Discount Pharmacy, and a host of other counter-revolutionary companies.

On Sep. 21, a Haïti Liberté reporter attended a fundraising activity organized at the Chelsea Art Museum in Manhattan for Roots of Hope and another organization called "100 Cameras." At the event, one of the organizers clearly stated that, in Cuba, people are already wearing Roots of Hope T-shirts, and they are clear about the organization’s counter-revolutionary goal.

Roots of Hope also attended the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) which took place on Sep. 23 in Orlando, Florida. During this conference, Roots of Hope was part of a panel entitled "Paralyzed by communism: Freedom of expression in Cuba."

The organization "100 Cameras" is no different that its sister, Roots of Hope, and this explains why the two groups closely work and fundraise together. We need not speculate, we need only visit the "100 Cameras" website to understand their mission and purpose. Here is what Francine Angela Bullock, their Public Relations Director, writes there:

Why Cuba? ... The island remains the world’s longest lasting socialist government. And right now, Cubans face limited possibilities restricted by their own government. And these limitations tend to create a climate of fear that discourages creativity, innovation, and entrepreneurship... We knew that during this time of significant political change between Cuba and other parts of the world, we could provide the opportunity to see Cuba through the eyes of a child... Without any political agenda. It would be the children’s raw perspective that would raise awareness and funds! We knew that if 100cameras had the opportunity to empower these children, then we could empower the grassroots efforts for positive social change within their communities. And ultimately, even the entire island... And we asked ourselves instead, “Why NOT Cuba?” Besides, a project like this has never been successfully done before within Cuba... Help us empower the Cuban youth through the voice of photography.

In short, these two organizations – Roots of Hope and 100 Cameras – are trying to use technology to promote social conflicts, especially in Cuba, since they failed to do so by acts of terrorism and above all by the economic blockade. Imperialism is coopting the techniques pioneered by the popular uprisings against their client regimes in Egypt and Tunisia.

For sure, the U.S. government will continue its efforts to destabilize the Cuban socialist system, even though their attempts to destroy the Cuban Revolution have always failed. Now they are working at the base, going to young people, even children, in an effort to corrupt them to create a new generation of men and women who can become imperialism’s agents and try to return Cuba to being the U.S.’s whorehouse.

Fortunately, the Cuban people are organized, conscious, and alert. Let us Haitians continue to show our solidarity with the Cuban people, the same way Cuba has always provided solidarity to us.

This article was written for Haiti Liberte by Mona Peralte

Zombies Attack Cuban Town

2011-10-31T23:05:00.000-07:00

Dozens of filmmakers dressed up as zombies early on Sunday “attacked” the Cuban town of San Antonio de los Baños, where for the past four years the only procession of the living dead has been held on the island.

People costumed as the zombies of priests, clowns, drunkards, doctors and regular people wandered through the town’s central streets, scaring the locals with groans and cries and splashing “blood” onto curious onlookers after getting off a bus provided by Cuba’s International Film School, or EICTV.

That institution, which is based in the town, four years ago launched the march of the living dead as a way of integrating the school into the community and paying tribute to horror films.

The first edition of the event only attracted 12 of the townspeople, but it has been growing in popularity and now is a much-anticipated diversion, said one of the procession’s coordinators and a professor at the school, Colombian Andres Buitrago.

A group of 80 students, professors and graduates of EICTV on Friday began the show and wrapped up their party a few hours later with the screening of short horror films on one of the town’s central plazas.

By showing the short features, the organizers said they wanted to honor the school’s 25 years in operation, an anniversary that will be celebrated in December, and they decided to share with the public some of the works in the horror genre that the institution has produced.

EICTV, founded in 1986, is considered to be the most important academic project of the New Latin American Film Foundation, based in Havana and headed by Colombian writer Gabriel Garcia Marquez.

The institution has some 800 graduates around the world and has made San Antonio de los Baños into the most filmed town in Cuba, given that its stories and locations appear in many of the works produced by the students.

Costa Rica’s Marcos Machado, one of the coordinators of the procession, emphasized that this event is the largest zombie march in Cuba and it is not a common activity in the country, although it remains to be seen whether “some day the virus spreads to other communities.”

“It has nothing to do with Halloween. The zombie processions in all countries have a specific connotation, in some it’s a way of saying no to violence, of having young people seek their own space, but others are (held) at film, horror or music festivals,” he said.

In Cuba, where there is no tradition of celebrating Halloween, the living dead are only just starting to become more popular.

This year, the island’s first zombie film was released, entitled “Juan de los muertos” (Juan of the dead) and directed by Cuban Alejandro Brugues, a graduate of EICTV.

The film tells the story of a zombie invasion in Havana, where a Cuban starts a business to make money from the situation and free the local residents from that “crisis.”

This article originally appeared in the Latin American Herald Tribune

America a Prison for René González

2011-10-28T03:01:00.000-07:00

Rene with his daughter, Irma, following his release

The following article was written by Stephen Kimber and published by The Huffington Post on the eve of René González's release.

On the eve of René González's release from an American prison - but not his prison America will now become - it's worth reminding ourselves what terrible crimes he committed.

Why was he sentenced to 15 years in jail? And why do American officials now insist he serve his post-prison parole in Florida instead of in Cuba?

In 1998, González - a member of the Cuban Five spy ring - was charged with failing to formally register as an agent of a foreign government. Guilty as charged.

In December 1990, González "stole" a small plane from a Havana airfield and "defected" to Florida. Not surprisingly, he didn't tell authorities he was a Cuban intelligence agent whose mission was to infiltrate militant Miami exile groups.

The reason he didn't - the reason he'd been sent to Florida in the first place - was that U.S. authorities rarely charged Cuban exiles, even those clearly violating American Neutrality Act prohibitions against launching armed attacks on another country from U.S. soil.

Cuba certainly isn't the only country to dispatch clandestine agents to other countries in order to protect its homeland from attack. Consider... well how about post-9/11 America? How many American agents are currently operating secretly inside Pakistan because the U.S. government believes Pakistan is unable or unwilling to deal with terrorist threats there? How many of those agents registered with Pakistani authorities?

It's also worth noting how the U.S. has dealt with other unregistered foreign agents. Last year, 10 Russians pled guilty to being long-term Moscow agents inside the United States. Instead of sending them to prison, Americans authorities sent them home in a swap for four foreign nationals the Russians had convicted of spying on them.

The Cold War was over. Except, of course, when that hot-cold war involved Cuba. Welcome to America's war on terrorism (fighters).

In addition to feloniously failing to tell American authorities he was not an anti-Castro "freedom fighter," René González also stood accused of... "general conspiracy"? General what?

Despite thousands of seized documents and two years' of pre-arrest surveillance, prosecutors couldn't produce a shred of evidence González had ever stolen - or tried to steal, or even thought about stealing - any of America's state secrets.

So they charged him with... general conspiracy. Which apparently means if they can't arrest you for what you're doing, they'll get you for what you're thinking... or what they think you're thinking.

What did González really do?

I spent months poring over 20,000-plus pages of his trial transcript. Here's what the record shows he did.

He infiltrated - and reported back to Havana on - a militant Cuban exile organization called PUND.

PUND trained in Florida for armed attacks against Cuba. They did so openly. In 1995, the FBI questioned members of the group in connection with one plot - but released them without charges.

González also infiltrated Brothers to the Rescue, a supposedly humanitarian group that boasted of illegal incursions into Cuban air space. Thanks to González and other agents, Havana learned:

• Brothers' founder José Basulto inquired about purchasing a used Czech fighter jet;

• Exile militants wanted to use a Brothers' planes for a mid-air attack on an aircraft carrying Fidel Castro to the United Nations;

• Brothers to the Rescue members test-fired anti-personnel weapons for possible use in Cuba.

And González infiltrated another supposedly peaceful group - Movimiento Democracia - whose members openly violated Cuban territorial waters.

During his time as an agent in Florida, González even served briefly as an FBI informant. A PUND member had enlisted him to ferry cocaine from Puerto Rico to Florida to raise money to buy more weapons to attack Cuba. González tipped off the FBI.

Based on court documents, that is the sum of René González's "general conspiracy."

U.S. prosecutors were so unsure of their conspiracy case they offered González ever sweeter - and more sour - inducements to cop a plea before his trial.

At one point, they dangled the carrot of avoiding trial by pleading guilty to a single count of being an unregistered agent. But "the last paragraph of the plea agreement draft," González recalls, included "a not-so-veiled invitation to consider my wife's resident status is at stake."

González drew a middle finger in the space left for his signature.

The next day, Aug. 16, 2000, immigration officials arrested his wife, and deported her. He has not been allowed to see her since.

René González has now done his time. He's been in jail since his arrest in 1998. He spent his first 17 months in solitary confinement. As required by Florida law, he will have served 85 per cent of his sentence inside prison before being paroled.

Now he wants to go home to Havana to see his family.

There's no public benefit to forcing him to serve his parole in hostile Florida. He is not about to be "reintegrated" into American society, and he could be in physical danger from vengeful exiles. Still U.S. prosecutors opposed his application. The same judge who originally sentenced him sided with prosecutors.

The issue is that González continues to defend what he did.

"I have no reason to be remorseful," González told his original sentencing hearing. He condemned the hypocrisy of the American justice system for charging him and his fellow defendants for the non-crime of trying to protect their country from terrorist attack while ignoring the real crimes of exile terrorists like Luis Posada Carriles and Orlando Bosch who stood accused of the 1976 mid-air bombing of a Cubana Airlines flight that killed 73 people, and a string of 1997 attacks on Cuban tourist hotels that killed a Canadian.

So on Friday René González will be released from his physical prison but only into another, psychic one.

It continues. Welcome to America's continuing war on terrorism (fighters).

UN resoundingly condemns US blockade of Cuba 186 votes to 2

2011-10-26T06:14:00.000-07:00

For the 20th consecutive year, the UN General Assembly has adopted a resolution calling for the lifting of the 50-year-old economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States against Cuba.

The 191-member United Nations body voted to condemn the “adverse effects” of such measures on the Cuban people and on Cuban nationals living in other countries in the non-binding resolution.

Countries from across the world – from China to Mexico and from Algeria to South Africa – queued up to lend their political and diplomatic support to Cuba. The representative from Uruguay noted that “we have witnessed an increase in the restrictions on Cuba’s transactions with third countries” and the blockade is “counter to the principles of justice and human rights, hampers and delays development and seriously harms the Cuban economy”.

The delegate from Bolivia – referencing President John F Kennedy’s “ich bin ein Berliner” quote – said the slogan of our time should be “I am a Cuban” as the Cuban people remain an “inspiration and example” to the rest of the world. He continued, “if we truly believe in democracy then we must listen to the countries in this room”

Venezuela sent a message of support and solidarity to the Miami 5 and appealed to the United States for their release and the return of Rene Gonzalez to his homeland.

Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodriguez said that the sanctions have caused direct economic damages of close to $1 trillion to the Cuban people over nearly half a century and that President Obama had done little to change this.

"Despite the false image of flexibility that the current U.S. administration intends to portray, the blockade and the sanctions remain intact," Rodriguez told the assembly.

"Why doesn't President Obama's administration take care of the U.S. problems and leave us Cubans alone to solve ours in peace?"

American Ambassador Ronald D. Godard, U.S. Senior Area Adviser for Western Hemisphere Affairs, said the embargo is a bilateral issue and "not appropriately a concern of this assembly."

Resolution A/66/L4 received 186 votes in favour and 2 against (USA and Israel), with 3 abstentions (Micronesia, Palau and the Marshall Islands). In 2010 the vote was 187 to 2.

Read the Cuban FM's full UN speech in English

Time to step up campaigning against the blockade - Support the CSC END IT NOW! campaign and appeal

Watch the Cuban FM's UN speech in Spanish

A message from René González to the people of Cuba

2011-10-24T04:24:00.000-07:00

Following his release from prison, René González - one of the Miami Five - sent this message to the people of Cuba. A full English transcript can be read below.

"These words are for my people, to whom I owed since the day I got out of jail and could not be sent because of the circumstances surrounding the need for us to have a safe trip.

It's very difficult talking through a camera to a people who I love so much and which I feel part of, but I needed to communicate with you and say how grateful I am for everything you have done, to tell you that we have felt very accompanied by the messages, the letters from children, all the study and working groups that have sent us their messages from Cuba, the support that we've always had and that has fed us in these years of injustice, which are already too many.

For me this moment of happiness we share is, simply, a parenthesis in a history of abuse where an apex of justice has not been made yet. The fact that I am now out of jail only means that one avenue of abuse, which I'd been subject to, has come to a dead end. But we still have four brothers we have to rescue and we need with us, with their families; among you giving their best and not in those places where they are now, where they get up, wake up every morning, go to a dining room where they shouldn't eat, walk among people they shouldn't walk with, and we really need to continue with the struggle to keep them going.

For me this is just a trench, a new place where I will keep fighting for justice to be done and for The Five to be back at your side.

I want to send a special greeting to the families of the other four brothers, who have really moved me by their joy. It's deeply moving when you talk on the phone with a person who has a son or a husband in jail and takes my freedom as if it was the freedom of one of their own. That really moves me and commits me, and we have to keep struggling because they don't deserve to be where they are.

To all my people, to the thousands of people who have been with us all these years around the world, through whom we have been able to break this information blockade little by little and break the silence that the big media corporations have over the case, I extend on behalf of The Five, my deepest gratitude, my commitment to continue representing you how you deserve, which is ultimately what we The Five are doing, because we're not only five, we are a whole people that has stood for 50 years. And thanks to that we are still standing, because we are inspired by you, because we know that we represent you and will never fail you and will always be at the level that you deserve.

A hug for everyone.

The Five love you from wherever we are."

René González leaves prison - but please take action to secure his freedom

2011-10-12T02:12:00.000-07:00

René González - one of the Miami Five - was released from prison on 7 October 2011 following 13 years of unjust incarceration.

Although Rene has been released from prison, he is not free and must spend a further 3 years on probation in Miami, despite the fact that his wife, children and family all live in Cuba.

This is an extra and cruel punishment imposed by the US on Rene. By forcing Rene to remain in the US, his life is in danger from the very anti-Cuba terrorist organisations that he was in the country to infiltrate. Furthermore, inflammatory statements from US Congresswoman Lleana Ros-Lehtinen calling him an "enemy of America" further threaten his safety.

Please write to President Obama requesting he intervene in this case today. Full details of the campaigning action and a model letter can be found here. CSC's statement on Rene's release can be read here.

The footage below - filmed by relatives of René - documents the moment the Cuban antiterrorist left Marianna prison in Florida at 4.30am.

Noam Chomsky urges increased action to win freedom for Miami Five

2011-10-10T03:47:00.000-07:00

Over 500 activists, academics and students attended a lecture by renowned American philosopher Noam Chomsky on Saturday. The meeting – organised by the Cuba Solidarity Campaign as part of the Latin America series of events – coincided with the release of Rene Gonzalez, one of the Miami Five, and the 44th anniversary of the capture and execution of Che Guevara by CIA-backed troops in Bolivia.

Professor Chomsky analysed the long history of US intervention in Latin America and drew its insidious interference back to the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 which claimed the Americas as under the United States’ sphere of influence. The narrative of ongoing intrusion and imposition has been punctuated by violent interventions, but the distinguished theorist argued that progressive movements – from Cuba to Venezuela – have challenged US hegemony in the region.

Chomsky discussed a number of countries – including Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua – but focussed particular attention on US involvement in Cuba’s sovereign affairs. The acclaimed academic bemoaned Cuba’s consistent inclusion on the United States’ list of nations which sponsor terrorism and noted America’s hypocrisy by harbouring known terrorists such as Luis Posada Carriles and Orlando Bosch.

Following the release of Rene Gonzalez, Chomsky declared that “there are real reasons to be concerned about his safety” because Florida – where Rene is due to be held on probation for three years – is “one of the major terrorist havens in the world”. Nearly 3,500 Cubans have died as a result of terrorist attacks against the island, most of which have emanated from Miami.

When asked about the prospect of the Miami Five receiving justice, Chomsky emphasised the need for increased campaigning and activism within the UK. “If there is substantial public pressure, and here’s where activism in England can make a difference,” said Chomsky, “the US can’t ignore popular ferment from its junior partner”. With legal avenues virtually exhausted, it is essential that we heed Professor Chomsky’s advice and intensify the political struggle to bring freedom to the Miami Five.

Noam Chomsky on Rene Gonzalez and the Miami Five

Noam Chomsky's full lecture

Spaces still available on winter solidarity brigade to Cuba!

2011-10-10T02:03:00.000-07:00

You still have a chance to book for this fantastic three-week stay at the International Solidarity Camp near Havana. Grab the opportunity to work alongside the Cuban people, attend lectures and presentations to learn more about the revolutionary achievements of the island and enjoy a varied programme including:

A trip to the beautiful area of Santa Clara and visiting Che Guevara’s memorial
The chance to meet the families of the Miami 5
Musical and theatrical performances
Meetings with Cuban sportspeople, artists, politicians, educationalists, community workers and veterans of the revolution
Christmas day on the beach and learning to salsa
A great New Year’s Eve party, Cuban style
and many other fantastic activities, as well as volunteering work in a beautiful citrus growing area.

Departing the UK on the 21st of December and returning on the 11th of January, you will love seeing in 2012 in the real Cuba.

Further details can be found here. Please email Beccie or call the office on 0208 800 0155 to request a booking pack.

RMT Cuba Garden Party 2011

2011-09-21T04:30:00.000-07:00

TUC Delegates Support Miami Five

2011-09-14T03:07:00.000-07:00

Unite General Secretary, Len McCluskey

Nearly 200 TUC delegates attended a lively Latin America solidarity meeting on Monday to hear from speakers on Cuba, Venezuela, Colombia and Nicaragua and mark the 13th anniversary of the arrest of the Miami Five. Chairing the meeting, NUT General Secretary Christine Blower declared it was “probably the best supported fringe at conference”.

Len McCluskey, Unite General Secretary, started by paying tribute to the Cuban Che Guevara medical brigade in Nicaragua which – organised as a result of the ALBA agreement – has performed more than four million consultations since 2007. Len noted that “whilst the prospect for trade unionists in non-ALBA countries is bleak” Cuba is leading the way in providing “real and material benefits” to the dispossessed of Latin America.

Len told delegates about a “remarkable trade union rally” in defence of the Miami Five in Los Angeles recently which was addressed by Tony Woodley. British trade unions continue to raise the issue of the Five with American unions and, with legal avenues exhausted, only this “spirit of internationalism will break through the wall of silence”.

Cuban Ambassador, Esther Armenteros

Cuban Ambassador, Esther Armenteros, lamented the lack of coverage in the mainstream media of the 13th anniversary of the Miami Five’s arrest. Esther told attendees that the Miami Five “remain unjustly imprisoned for combating terrorism against our country and have been subjected to all sorts of humiliations”.

Esther reflected on a telephone conversation she had with Fernando González when she was working as a diplomat in South Africa. “After ten year in prison, Fernando’s voice was of such strength and conviction that, if I ever feel weak, I think of him”. The British trade union movement knows that it will take the same strength and conviction to bring justice to the Five. This, as Esther observed, will only be achieved by building international solidarity and taking the fight to the US.

Esther also drew attention to a recent Save the Children report which placed Cuba top in Latin America and 8th in the world for paediatrics and children’s medical care. The study was based on three fundamental variables: the number of doctors and nurses per thousand inhabitants, the coverage of the vaccination system and the proportion of women who gave birth with an obstetrician present. Cuba finished ahead of Germany, Russia, France, the UK and America. “How is this possible when we have been subjected to 50 years of economic blockade?” asked Esther. “The US has been stopping Cuba from buying drugs to help sick children – despite this, Cuba has come way ahead of the US”.

Venezuelan Ambassador, Samuel Moncada, hailed the trade union movement as the “most progressive section of British society”. Samuel reflected on the huge social strides made in Venezuela under Hugo Chavez declaring “excluding Cuba, we have the least unequal society in Latin America… and we are striving for the best public services after Cuba too”.

Before delegates mingled over Havana Club cocktails, Christine Blower thanked everyone for attending and Thompsons Solicitors for sponsoring the meeting. “Hope and change clearly is possible,” affirmed Christine as she urged everyone to get involved with CSC’s campaign to mark the 50th anniversary of the blockade which will be launched next month.

The mothers of the Five will join the annual Cuba Solidarity Campaign vigil for the Miami Five outside the US Embassy on 1st December and will be speaking at Latin America Conference 2011 on 3rd December. In Spring 2012, a prestigious exhibition featuring Cuban and British artists will include work by Gerardo and Antonio. For more information on these events and the Miami Five, please click here.

The Miami 5:Thirteen Years On

2011-09-12T15:12:00.000-07:00

Tony Woodley with Gerardo Hernandez

The following article was written by Tony Woodley, former Unite General Secretary, for the Morning Star.

The international media has been full of stories marking the anniversary of the September 11 terrorist attacks against the US this week, but you would need to search hard to find mention of the anniversary of the arrest of five Cuban counter-terrorists in Miami 13 years ago today or the fact that two of their wives have been denied visitation rights for 12 years.

On September 12 1998 the FBI arrested Gerardo Hernandez, Ramon Labanino, Antonio Guerrero, Fernando Gonzalez and Rene Gonzalez who were trying to stop right-wing groups carrying out terrorist attacks against the Cuban people. Regular readers of this paper will know these names and the story of the Miami Five.

They travelled to Miami to infiltrate and monitor violent right-wing groups opposed to the Cuban government and responsible for the deaths of almost 3,500 Cubans over the last 50 years.

At the request of the US government they passed their findings to the FBI in 1998 but instead of arresting the terrorists the information was used to identify and arrest the five.

Held in solitary confinement, denied proper access to legal teams and tried in a hostile atmosphere which made it impossible to receive a fair trial, they received unprecedentedly harsh sentences ranging from 15 years to double life.

The arrest, trial and sentencing of the Miami Five has enraged legal opinion, NGOs and human rights campaigners from the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to Amnesty International. On top of this their wives and families are denied regular family visitation rights. Furthermore, recent evidence revealed that the US government directly funded Miami-based journalists to the tune of $125,000 to broadcast prejudicial articles before and during the trial.

Although the Miami Five enjoy a great deal of support within the British union and international solidarity movement, due to a virtual media boycott their case is almost unknown within the US trade union movement.

Last month I was honoured to be involved in a historic meeting to help break this silence when I travelled to Los Angeles to visit one of the five, Gerardo Hernandez, who is serving two life sentences in Victorville Penitentiary.

On August 13, 200 workers, union leaders and activists came together at the invitation of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) in Los Angeles - the first time since the five's incarceration that a US union has organised a public meeting to inform their members and ask them to join the fight for justice.

It was great to be able to report this meeting to Gerardo the following day when I visited him at his maximum security prison in Victorville.

Despite 13 years held in this truly inhumane place, the man's spirit - like that of all the five and their families - is inspirational. Gerardo is well aware of the work of the British trade union movement and solidarity campaign for his cause, and sends his gratitude to everyone who fights for justice for the five. He also knows that despite waiting on the outcome of a final legal appeal, ultimately his freedom and that of his four comrades lies in the hands of the US government. This is why I have been working closely with US unions to lobby key stakeholders in the Obama administration.

Aside from the meeting in Los Angeles, British unions working together with the Cuba Solidarity Campaign have made notable breakthroughs in this case over the years, such as ours being the first country in the world to win MPs and unions to the cause.

Earlier this year WikiLeaks released cables that show our own PM raised the case with Hillary Clinton as a direct result of union pressure.

Amnesty International is now supporting the case because family members were given the possibility to explain the injustice to Amnesty face-to-face during numerous visits to Britain since 2005 at the invitation of CSC and British unions.

But increasing international solidarity is vital, and as the president of the Cuban parliament Ricardo Alarcon says: "The struggle must be multiplied until the US government is forced to put an end to this monstrous injustice and restore freedom to Gerardo, Ramon, Antonio, Fernando and Rene."

Supporters of the five do not want to have to mark the September 12 arrest anniversary every year. We would rather be celebrating the anniversary of their freedom. Everyone can play a role in achieving this, whether as individuals or within our unions and the solidarity movement, and there are many upcoming opportunities to do so.

The mothers of the five will be at Unite sectoral conferences in November, joining the annual Cuba Solidarity vigil outside the US embassy on December 1 and at the Latin America 2011 conference on December 3.

In Spring 2012 a prestigious exhibition featuring Cuban and British artists will include work by Gerardo and Antonio, and later next year all four Miami Five wives will visit Liverpool for a major public meeting.

For more information on these and other events, actions and how to get involved see CSC’s Miami Five website

The Miami Five - 13 Years of Unjust Imprisonment

2011-09-12T09:37:00.000-07:00

On this day 13 years ago, Gerardo Hernández, Ramón Labañino, Antonio Guerrero, Fernando González and René González were arrested by the FBI in Miami while trying to stop right-wing groups carrying out terrorist attacks against the Cuban people. The five counter-terrorists – commonly known as the Miami Five – remain unfairly incarcerated within the US; their wives and family members are denied family visitation rights and they are often held in solitary confinement.

For over 50 years, right-wing exile groups within Miami have targeted Cuba killing nearly 3,500 people in terrorist attacks against the island. This has been done with the complicit support of the US government and the CIA.

To saves lives, Cuba sent five men to infiltrate and monitor these violent dissident groups. At the request of the American government, this information was passed to the FBI in 1998 but – instead of arresting the terrorists – the Bureau used the information to identify and arrest the Miami Five on 12 September 1998.

The Miami Five were sentenced to a total of 75 years imprisonment and remain interned within the US. Compare this to the terrorist and former CIA-operative Luis Posada Carriles who – although responsible for the blowing up of a Cuban airliner in 1973 which killed 73 people – remains at liberty in America.

The arrest, trial and sentencing of the Miami Five has enraged legal opinion, NGOs and human rights campaigners from the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to Amnesty International.

In October 2010, Amnesty International released a report condemning the trial of the Miami Five and calling for a review of the case. Central to their criticism was the “underlying concern related to the fairness of holding the trial in Miami, given the pervasive hostility to the Cuban government in that area and media and other events before and during the trial . . . there was evidence to suggest that these factors made it impossible to ensure a wholly impartial jury”.

Amnesty raised serious concerns about the circumstances of the pre-trial detention of the five men which involved sporadic solitary confinement and limited access to attorneys and evidence. As the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention declared in May 2005, this “undermined the equal balance between the prosecution and the defence”.

Amnesty’s report followed a three-judge panel of the US Court of Appeals which, in August 2005, unanimously overturned the convictions of the Miami Five on the ground that “pervasive community prejudice in Miami against the Castro government merged with other factors to prejudice their right to a fair trial”. The decision was promptly quashed by the US government.

Furthermore, recent evidence obtained through the US Freedom of Information Act demonstrates that the American government directly funded Miami-based journalists to write and broadcast prejudicial articles and commentary before and during the trial. Despite overwhelming evidence, the Supreme Court has consistently refused to consider appeals on these grounds – even though similar cases have been granted a retrial.

Legal avenues in defence of the Miami Five have virtually been exhausted and only humanitarian intervention from President Barack Obama or the Secretary of State Hillary Clinton can give justice to the five and their families. Public pressure to break the silence around this case is vital.

UK-based NGO the Cuba Solidarity Campaign and the British trade union movement have been crucial in building the broadest possible alliance in support of family visitation rights and, ultimately, the release of the Miami Five.

Any potential solution lies with the American government and the British movement in support of the Miami Five has been working closely with US unions – including the United Service Workers, the United Steel Workers and the Teamsters – to lobby key stakeholders in the Obama administration.

In a recent meeting in support of the Miami Five in Los Angeles, former Unite the Union General Secretary Tony Woodley declared, “the Miami Five enjoy a great deal of support on the international level, but that is not the case inside the United States. Solidarity is absolutely crucial in this case and the political struggle will be decisive for the return of the Miami Five to Cuba”.

America’s duplicity with regard the Miami Five is laid bare by Cuba’s ongoing inclusion on the US State Department terror blacklist alongside Iran, Sudan and Syria. As the Cuban Foreign Ministry said recently, the US government “has absolutely no moral right to judge Cuba, which has an unblemished history in the fight against terrorism and has been consistently the victim of this scourge”. This allegation is vindicated by the grotesque treatment of the Miami Five and the inexplicable harbouring of Posada Carriles.

The Cuban Foreign Ministry accused the US of the “political manipulation” of the sensitive issue of terrorism and, similarly, the handling of the Miami Five must be seen as distinctly political.

The unjust treatment of the Miami Five typifies US foreign policy towards Cuba and – when contrasted to the United States’ promotion and funding of dissident groups in Cuba – highlights American hypocrisy. The freedom of the Miami Five will only be secured through collective political action across the broadest possible campaign. Until their release, the campaign will continue.

Tackling an economic crisis by public consultation

2011-09-11T08:02:00.000-07:00

By Jenny Kassman

The expansion of the private sector in Cuba, contained in the island’s new legislation proposed by the National Assembly in September 2010 was finally ratified by the Assembly on 1 August this year. However, in September, this proposed measure was greeted as a fait accompli with an outburst of joy and relief by the UK mainstream press. “End of the road for communist Cuba? ONE MILLION jobs could go private in the most radical reforms since 1959 revolution,” declared James White in the Daily Mail (15 Sept. 2010). “Thanks Fidel, but you’re 50 years too late,” gloated James Delingpole in the Telegraph, adding “It’s nice, obviously, that the cigar-smoking beardie has finally had the grace to acknowledge the error of his ways. But shouldn’t he have worked this out 50 years earlier, and spared the poor Cuban people a heap of communist misery?” And not much more was said about the matter.

However, in its haste to tell the British public once more that socialism (or, in their words, ‘communism’) in Cuba was at the “end of the road”, the western media, as is so often the case, omitted to mention how these proposals would progress along the road to becoming actual legislation. Neither had it mentioned that they had only acquired their initial form after a major input by the Cuban trade unions. At the time, only about 30% of them had been ratified before the remaining 70% were presented to the country for consideration and amendment prior to their ratification. If the media had possessed the inclination to discover more about the subject, they would have had a very different story to report.

In fact, this legislation, deals with a raft of new policies, ranging from housing, transport and food prices to health, education and tourism. But it is the part that relates to the workforce which has generated the most interest.

When I met Manuel Montero Bistilleiro a senior official at the CTC (the equivalent of our TUC) in January of this year, he explained that the reasons for this new legislation were very different from those described by the western media.

First, as in the case of the UK and most other countries around the world, Cuba has been hit hard by the world financial crisis, which has had disastrous consequences in the developing world, to which Cuba belongs, pushing up prices of food (almost 50%) and other basic commodities. Added to this, in 2008 the island was hit by 3 powerful hurricanes that destroyed much of its infrastructure. Finally, one has to take into account the severe economic consequences of half a century of the US blockade, which has been vigorously and progressively reinforced since the 1990s when Cuba was suffering the Special Period. The blockade, which in recent years has been extended to banking, seriously impedes Cuba’s ability to trade effectively with other countries.

It was during the 1990s, when the Cuban economy was at its lowest ebb and at a time of widespread hardship that the decision was taken to keep everyone working, even if as a result, workplaces would be overstaffed. This applied particularly to the administrative sector. It is only now that efficient staffing levels are to be restored in that sector.

As a result, new legislation has been necessary so that Cuba can tackle these challenges, in the same way that many other countries are having to look again at their own legislation in these times of financial crisis. In the case of Cuba, the government has emphasised that the need to create a more self-sufficient and economically viable economy. However, at the same time as introducing these new laws, the state has once again declared its clear intention of continuing to maintain and develop a socialist society in which people can enjoy the maximum opportunities and participate, both individually and communally.

Manuel who has worked for 32 years in the CTC, explained to me the important role played by the Cuban trade unions in the new legislation’s formulation and eventual enactment . Their opinions have been required primarily to ensure that workers will be protected, thus preventing the growth of a marginalised informal sector, so common in other developing countries suffering an economic crisis.

Production workers and workers in public services, such as transport, health and education generally speaking will be much less affected. The large and most important institutions in the Cuban economy – the banks, industry, public services and so on – will remain publicly owned and generally retain their current workforce. It is the administrative sector with its over deployment of workers to which this new legislation is mainly directed.

In this sector, it is envisaged that out of the 500,000-plus workers who are to lose their jobs, many are being offered redeployment in other parts of the state sector, although the work offered may not relate exactly to the nature or level of a worker’s previous employment. The principal areas with labour shortages are agriculture, education, construction and the police force. It is estimated that around 130,000 will leave the state sector to form co-operatives, create their own small businesses, or to work in businesses owned by others.

All those currently working in the private sector are already classified as self-employed (‘cuentapropistas’), but the legislation draws a distinction between workers who contract their labour to others and those who own their own business. Anyone contracted to work by an enterprise in the private sector will, by law, have to be paid not less than the average for the area where the company is located.

It is intended that all cuentapropistas – whether in co-operatives, running their own business or contracted by the owner of a business – will be liable to pay tax to enable them to access all the rights and conditions enjoyed by state workers: sickness or maternity benefits, pension rights and so on. Taxes are progressive: the higher the earnings, the more tax people will pay. The owner of a business who contracts more than five workers will also pay tax for each worker he or she contracts over that number. No-one will become rich by being self-employed, I was told.

The idea of self-employed workers paying tax is not new. During the Special Period, the government shelved its proposal that all state sector workers should pay tax (following the consensus reached at workers’ meetings in 85,000 workplaces throughout Cuba) that salaries were too low to allow tax payments. However, the private sector – people letting rooms to tourists in their homes, independent farmers, owners of paladares etc., - was obliged to do so as it was this sector that had direct access to pesos convertibles and thus earned far more than the average. The legislation also calls for workers receiving bonuses or being paid in CUCs (pesos convertibles) and state workers who receive significantly higher salaries – perhaps in some cases where earnings are linked to production – to pay a certain percentage in tax of any pay they may receive above a given threshold.

Manuel pointed out that in every municipality there is an employment office for those seeking work. Any workers who find themselves with no job is entitled to unemployment benefit. For the first month, an unemployed worker will be entitled to his or her full salary. Workers with ten to thirty years of service can then receive 60% of their salary for a further one to five months. Discussions are now in hand to ensure that job-seekers will be entitled to household means-tested social security payments after six months. (This is in addition to the existing allowance paid to people who for one reason or another are not able to work.) The government has assured the public that no-one affected by this legislation will find him or herself unprotected and that the socialist nature of the Cuban state will in no way be sacrificed.

The western media prefer to overlook the fact that Cuba appears to be the only country in Latin America to offer universal unemployment benefit. (Six other countries in the region offer individual unemployment insurance schemes which, apart from Brazil only benefit small percentages of the workforce.)

The unions have been assigned a central role in the process of deciding lay-offs. In each workplace there is a committee formed for this purpose, including one representative from the union and another from management. Between three and five members are workers elected by the workforce. The findings of this committee need to be ratified by the local branch of the trade union before being presented to the administration of the establishment in question. The CTC has been running a national training scheme to prepare union representatives for this process.

Cuentapropistas who are contracted to work for others are encouraged to continue their union membership. Manuel explained how such workers are contacted by the appropriate union once they have found work. In a number of provinces, newly licensed cuentapropistas have been visited by union officials who have offered help and support, which has been warmly welcomed.

As union members, cuentapropistas have the right to call on their unions to represent them in instances of complaints against an enterprise or co-operative by which they have been contracted. Complaints could range from demands for excessive hours of work or unfair dismissal before a contract terminates, to the right to accompany a sick member of the family to hospital. In cases where mediation is ineffective, the union will pay for legal and even court costs where necessary.

Last year, after the National Assembly had presented the proposals, all members of grass-roots and professional organisations and all other interested members of the public were invited to attend open meetings to scrutinise the content of the proposed legislation and to suggest amendments. As a result, from November until March of this year meetings were held the length and breadth of the island at workplaces, universities, youth and pensioners’ organisations, in local neighbourhoods, branches of the Federation of Cuban Women and in other grass-roots organisations. The intention was to compile recommendations, concerns and comments from all those members of the population who wished to participate. In all, eight million people attended these discussions, three million actively took part in debates and 781,644 submissions for amendments were received.

While I was in Cuba early in 2011, I spoke to a number of people who told me about the concerns that had been expressed at the meetings they had attended: students were worried that there would be no work for them in the state sector if the current workforce was being reduced; people nearing pension age were concerned about what would happen to them if they had to leave their jobs; other groups feared that ill health or problems at home, which can affect one’s performance at work, would lead to such workers losing their jobs. Other aspects of the new legislation were also discussed: a large number feared the plan to abolish the ration book would lead to basic food and necessities becoming far more expensive.

In March, the concerns and recommendations expressed at meetings were collected and compiled and, where they reflected a consensus, they were passed to the Communist Party which made its own recommendations at their congress that took place in April 2011. These included the gradual abolition of the ration book, more state regulation to ensure fair treatment of workers and staggering the implementation of the proposed legislation, especially those aspects about which the population has expressed concern. The legislation relating to the workforce will now be staggered over five years. A total of around 68% of the original proposals were modified at Congress to take into account these concerns.

The next stage was for the professional associations and organisations to study the revised proposals which fell into their area of expertise in order to make their own recommendations. Finally, the modified proposals were submitted to the National Assembly for their consideration prior to ratification. The Assembly also has the responsibility of establishing the legal and structural framework on which the modified legislation will operate. This task will be done over the next five years through a Commission which will oversee and iron out problems in the implementation of the new laws. It will produce reports twice a year about how the changes are progressing. Any further changes that may be necessary would first be submitted for public discussion.

Inevitably, there are many details that still need to be finalised over this period. In the area of employment, for example, arrangements need to be made for the independent auditing of the income of self-employed workers in order to assess tax payments. There is also the legal question of whether the laws protecting self-employed workers contracted by others should adhere to the labour or civil code. And certain parts of the legislation will need to be clarified, such as the right to paid annual leave for contracted cuentapropistas.

Manuel stressed the importance of reaching a democratic consensus on the various aspects of any new and far-reaching legislation. He explained his father had been a representative in the dockworkers’ union before the Revolution, when the idea of democratic decision making had to be fought for. It is the role of the trade unions in the democratic processes upon which Cuban society is structured, with 98% of its working population of about 5 million choosing trade union membership, that provides Manuel with one reason for his work being so worthwhile.

So far this year, Cuba has seen a significant increase of cuentapropositas, although not to a great extent from the state sector. In August Carlos Mateo, Deputy Minister for Work & Social Security gave the total number of people registered as self-employed as 325,947. Of these, 147,000 had obtained licences in the 1990s. Of the remaining 179,000 or so, 68% were people who previously had worked outside the formal economy (a trend that started in the Special Period of the 90s) and 15-16% had transferred from the state sector. The most popular areas for self-employment are catering, transport and letting rooms (casas particulares).

No-one can dispute that extensive efforts have been made by the Cuban government so that the population feel they have taken a part in the processes of formulating this new legislation. However, people’s fears have not been totally allayed. This is understandable, as losing a secure job is never easy and during my stay in January 2011, a number of workers expressed to me their apprehensions about joining the private sector while others saw it as an opportunity opening up for them. Nevertheless, it is apparent that the importance of public participation and social well-being has been paramount in the drafting of this legislation. Perhaps the UK could take a leaf from Cuba’s book in this respect. One can only imagine the consequences!

Che's Murderer and Operation Miracle

2011-09-09T08:18:00.000-07:00

Che and Fidel

Mario Terán, a retired noncom notorious for having executed the legendary guerrilla fighter Ernesto Che Guevara on Oct. 9, 1967, at a little school in La Higuera in Bolivia, lived in the deepest anonymity in Santa Cruz. Steeped in indigence, he lived on his miserly pension as a former soldier and had lost his sight to cataracts that he had been unable to cure, for lack of resources.

In 2004, Cuban President Fidel Castro launched a broad humanitarian campaign throughout the continent, named Operation Miracle. Supported by Venezuela, it consists in operating – at no personal cost – on those low-income Latin Americans who suffer from cataracts and other eye diseases. In 30 months, about 600,000 people from 28 countries, including U.S. citizens, recovered their eyesight thanks to the altruism of the Cuban doctors. The avowed objective is to operate 6 million people by 2016.

The election of Evo Morales as President of the Republic of Bolivia in December 2005 and his willingness to establish social policies that will improve the wellbeing of some of the poorest people in the continent have allowed Bolivians to gain access to the humanitarian program launched by Cuba. About 110,000 Bolivians have regained their eyesight without paying a single penny.

Among them is Mario Terán, who was rid of his serious illness by the Cuban doctors. Pablo Ortiz, a Bolivian journalist who works for the newspaper El Deber of Santa Cruz, told the story: "Terán had cataract problems and was cured in Operation Miracle by Cuban doctors at absolutely no cost."

Then he gave more details: "The fellow is a perfect unknown. Nobody knows who he is. He is destitute and when he appeared at the hospital hosting Operation Miracle nobody recognized him; he was then operated. The story came from his own son, who came to the newspaper to express his gratitude in public... It happened last August [2006]."

Sometimes, history keeps some surprises in reserve. Thus, the murderer of Che was cured by doctors sent by Fidel Castro, the most faithful and intimate companion of "the heroic guerrilla." Terán owes his eyesight to the emissaries of health that follow the internationalist example of the man he killed.

According to the former CIA agent Félix Rodríguez, who participated in Che's capture, Terán volunteered to execute the rebel leader. Earlier, he had murdered in cold blood all the other prisoners. But his valor failed when he faced Che.

"When I entered the classroom, Che was seated on a bench. When he saw me, he said: 'You've come to kill me.' I felt inhibited and lowered my head without answering.

"Then he asked me: 'What did the others say?' I told him they had said nothing, and he commented: 'There were brave men!'

"I didn't dare to shoot. At that moment, I saw a big Che, very big, enormous. His eyes shone with intensity. I felt that he was overwhelming me and when he looked at me fixedly I felt woozy. I thought that, if he moved quickly, Che could take away my weapon.

"'Stay calm and aim carefully,' he told me. 'You are going to kill a man.'

"I took a step backward, toward the door, closed my eyes and fired the first burst... I regained my composure and fired the second burst, which struck him in an arm, a shoulder and the heart. He was already dead."

Che, despite the execrable media campaign designed to stain the image of one of the greatest revolutionaries of the 20th Century, remains "big, very big, enormous" and continues to shine "with intensity" thanks to the sacrifice of tens of thousands of Cuban doctors who, from the anonymity of their heroic action everywhere, continue to believe that another, less cruel world is possible.

Article by Salim Lamrani

Launch of CSC's Trade Union Newsletter

2011-09-09T02:50:00.000-07:00

This week we launched our new Cuba Solidarity Campaign trade union newsletter Trade Unions for Cuba. Union affiliates and individual CSC members will be accustomed to receiving their quarterly copy of CubaSí magazine, but the new bulletin will concentrate on trade union news and campaigning actions. Trade Unions for Cuba will be published electronically approximately every three months and will satisfy the hunger for topical Cuba news between issues of CubaSí.

The newsletter aims to celebrate collaboration between CSC, British trade unions and trade unions in Cuba. It will bring up-to-date news on trade unionism in Cuba, report on CSC work with unions domestically, mobilise campaigns and promote events, brigades and tours.

The first issue includes a report on WikiLeaks revelations which show the success of the CSC and trade union campaign against the Hilton Hotels in 2007. British trade unions – including the GMB and Unison – played a crucial role in boycotting Hilton due to their refusal to accommodate Cuban guests and the WikiLeaks cables show that our campaign reached the highest levels of the U.S government.

Unison young activists Lisa and Vikki with
Dennis Doody, UCATT rep on CSC EC

It also includes a report on CSC’s presence at trade union conferences this year and features a story of three young activists – Vikki Garratty, Lisa Scott and Geri Cowell – who took part in CSC’s May Day Brigade this year. According to Vikki, the Brigade was “one of the best experiences of my life” and the newsletter applauds the work the three campaigners have done supporting solidarity with Cuba and fundraising for CSC since their return. A big thanks to all those who contributed at Unison’s Young Members’ Weekend in Cardiff!

The core objective of the newsletter, however, is to enhance understanding of Cuba, promote campaigning work and increase union affiliations to the Cuba Solidarity Campaign. The report on the visit of Tony Woodley – former Unite General Secretary – to a Miami 5 meeting in Los Angeles demonstrates that the British trade union movement has been crucial in the campaign to free the Miami 5 by securing the support of American unions such as the United Service Workers, the United Steel Workers and the Teamsters.

It is only through union support that this was possible and it is therefore imperative to build on the already fantastic relationship which CSC enjoys with the trade union movement. If your union branch or region isn’t already affiliated to the Campaign, we hope you will consider joining online or by emailing Dan Smith. Affiliation costs just £40 for a branch and £50 for a region.

A hi-res version of the newsletter can be viewed here. Please feel free to forward to colleagues or print-off and distribute around notice boards and offices. If you would like to receive future copies, please email CSC Campaigns Officer Dan Smith.

René González spends his 55th birthday behind bars

2011-09-08T07:15:00.000-07:00

René González

René González spent his 55th birthday on 13 August in a Florida prison. He and four colleagues, known in the UK as the ‘Miami Five’ and in the US as the ‘Cuban Five’, have been in prison since 1998. René is the least unlucky of the five, because his sentence of 15 years was the lightest. However, when I met his mother recently, she was worried that the Miami courts had a further punishment in mind: to send him out on ‘probation’ to one of the areas on the City’s west side where Cuban exiles are concentrated, and where he might very well be shot.

That the Five should be in prison at all is the product of a bizarre sequence of events in which justice has been turned on its head. While the anti-Castro politics of many Miami Cubans are well known, there is less knowledge of the terrorist acts they have attempted, the worst and most ‘successful’ of which was the bombing of a Cuban airliner in 1976 that killed 78 people. Frustrated at the unwillingness of the American authorities to prevent these crimes, in the 1990s the Castro government recruited five agents to infiltrate the worst of the Miami-based cells such as ‘Brothers to the Rescue’. They succeeded, and the Cuban government held meetings with the FBI in Havana in June 1998 to present the evidence of planned attacks that the agents had collected.

Instead of acting on the evidence, however, in September 1998 the FBI arrested the Five for conspiring to commit espionage and ‘related offences’ against the US. After being held for 17 months in solitary confinement, their seven-month trial was held (against their petitions) in the hostile atmosphere of Miami itself. They were sentenced to lengthy periods in prison including – in the case of Gerardo Hernandez – two life sentences.

The Five have exhausted the appeals process, which in 2005 briefly resulted in the verdicts against them being overturned by a panel of three judges, before that decision was itself reversed following a government appeal. Some of the sentences were reduced, but Gerardo’s was confirmed. His life sentences result from the accusation, never properly proved, that he was engaged in helping the Cuban air force shoot down aircraft in international waters. This relates to an incident in 1996, when two Brothers to the Rescue planes were shot down, having ignored warnings from the Cubans and from the Federal Aviation Administration. Whether they were in international waters or in Cuban airspace is still disputed, but the history of prior attacks by members of Brothers to the Rescue is not. In the 1960s, their leader José Basulto, who escaped in the third plane, had begun his terrorist career by firing a 20mm cannon at a beachside hotel in the Cuban resort of Miramar, from a vessel offshore.

Instead of contesting the evidence that he was linked to these incidents, Gerardo’s court-appointed attorney at the original trial attempted to justify the retaliation by the Cuban air force, which of course was a line of argument highly unlikely to be treated with any sympathy by a Miami jury. Gerardo is now trying to obtain an annulment of the verdict through a writ of habeas corpus. Reading his case gives further insight into how perverted the seven-month trial was.

In contrast to the treatment of the Cuban Five, one of the most notorious of the Cuban exiles, Luis Posada Carriles, who escaped from prison in Venezuela where he had been sentenced for his role in the 1976 Cuban airliner bombing, and has since admitted his involvement in a series of attacks against Cuba, has been living freely in the United States. Now 83, this year he not only evaded prison for immigration offences but in June, as a ‘true patriot’, was granted the freedom of the City of Hialeah in Florida. This presumably recognises his 37-year career, much of it in the pay of the CIA, during which he organised supply flights to the Contras in Nicaragua in the 1980s and the bombing of Havana hotels in 1997.

For much of the time the Cuban Five do not even have the freedom to receive prison visits from family members. René’s wife, Olga, has been refused a visa to visit the US. The hope is that Gerardo’s application, which is also based on the discovery in 2006 that reporters covering the trial were in the pay of the US government, will result in his conviction being overturned and a new review of the other cases.

Of course, as everyone on either side of the case is aware, it is only because the Five are Cuban agents that they have been imprisoned at all. After all, when eleven ‘deep cover’ Russian agents were arrested in New York last year, including the glamorous Anna Chapman, they were simply sent back to Russia.

Original article written by John Perry for London Review of Books

Evo Morales Highlights Example of Operation Miracle

2011-09-07T06:47:00.000-07:00

Fidel Castro and Evo Morales

Bolivian President Evo Morales has highlighted the example of Cuba during a meeting in honour of the more than 600,000 eye surgeries carried out as part of Operation Miracle.

He underlined the unconditional nature of this help, the exponents of which are Cuban internationalist physicians offering their services in the Andean nation. This made it possible for these humble persons of scant economic resources to recover their sight, the Granma newspaper reported.

Morales explained that this mission also favored that in addition to almost 500,000 Bolivians, citizens from neighboring countries like Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Paraguay were also seen at eye centers located in bordering areas.

The head of state acknowledged the self-denial of the Cuban physicians who, far from their homeland and families, work in Bolivia to help the needy, without any economic or political interest.

The Bolivian president pointed out that more and more peoples and governments in the region follow the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist course of the Cuban Revolution and its leader Fidel Castro, the architect – he recalled – of Operation Miracle.

According to the blog of Cuban National Television special correspondent Yosvany Noguet, the meeting was held at the Eye Center of the province of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in the southeastern part of the country, which has 10 surgical posts corresponding to the six eye centers of the Cuban Medical Brigade.

Story courtesy of Cuban News Agency

Cuban Minister of Armed Forces Passes Away

2011-09-06T08:24:00.000-07:00

Minister of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces and Vice President of the Cuban Councils of State and Ministers General Julio Casas Regueiro passed away in Havana on Saturday.

A note released by the Communist Party of Cuba's Politburo stated that General C Casas Regueiro died from a heart attack at 1:20 p.m. Saturday.

Julio Casas Regueiro was born in Bombi, Mayari Arriba, province of Santiago de Cuba, on February 16, 1936. He graduated from the Professional School of Business of Santiago de Cuba and began his revolutionary activities following the March 10, 1952 coup d'état.

In June 1957, he gave up his position as an accountant at the bank of Santiago de Cuba due to persecution by the tyranny and returned to his parents' farm where he contacted members of the 26 of July Movement and worked with the movement on several activities, becoming one of the first rebel combatants in the area.

When the Frank País Second Eastern Front was formed in March 1958, he joined it under Commander Raul Castro and took part in several combats, including the capture of the city of Guantanamo on January 1, 1959.

After the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, Casas Regueiro assumed several responsibilities in the Cuban National Police, and as part of that body he fought against the Playa Giron (Bay of Pigs) mercenary invasion.

From 1961 on, he occupied different posts in the logistics services of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) and was promoted to vice minister in 1969. He was also Chief of the Eastern Army, Chief of the Anti-Air Forces and the Air Force, and First Vice Minister of the FAR. He was appointed Minister of the FAR in February 2008.

When Cuba established international help with Ethiopia en 1978, Julio Casas Regueiro was named the Substitute Chief of the Military Mission in Ethiopia. He took courses at several military schools including the USSR Voroshilov General Staff Academy.

Julio Casas Regueiro was also a founder of Cuba´s Communist Party and a member of its Central Committee since the First Congress of the organization. During the Fourth Party Congress he was elected member of the Political Bureau, a condition ratified by the Fifth and Sixth Congresses of the Communist Party.

From 1981 he served as a member of the National Assembly, a member of the State Council since 1986, and in 2088 he was elected Vice President of the Council of State.

He received several titles and decorations including the Honorific Title of Hero of the Republic of Cuba and the Playa Giron Order.

Army Corp General Julio Casas Regueiro was known for his loyalty to the homeland, the people, the Revolution and to his Commander in Chief and Army General Raul Castro.

Thanks to his high level of rationality, efficiency and dedication, he made significant contributions to the strengthening of the nation's defence as well as to improving business efficiency in the FAR and the drafting and subsequent implementation of the Guidelines for Economic and Social Policy of the Party and Revolution, adopted by the Sixth Congress.

Following his wishes, the mortal remains of Julio Casas Regueiro were cremated and taken to the Mausoleum of the Frank Pais Second Eastern Front, where they will be paid the corresponding military honors.

Cuban President Raul Castro on Monday led a tribute to late Army General Julio Casas Regueiro. During the funeral, held on the first floor of the Sierra Maestra building, headquarters of the Defense Ministry, it was announced that the Council of State had conferred on Casas Regueiro the postmortem title of Hero of Labor of the Republic of Cuba.

The honor was granted for the late general's record of exceptional record of service to the Revolution and its defense, and to the national economy, with exemplary discipline, rationality and proved efficiency in the fulfilment of relevant political, state, government and military duties and missions.

Cuban Communist Party leaders and members of the councils of State and Ministers participated in the event. One of the many wreaths sent in tribute to Casas Regueiro was from the leader of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro.

The Council of State has decreed a state of national mourning

Story courtesy of Juventud Rebelde

Wikileaks show campaign against Hilton Hotels hit home

2011-09-02T01:56:00.000-07:00

Recently released U.S diplomatic cables published by Wikileaks reveal the success of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign and British trade union campaign against the Hilton Group’s ban on Cuban nationals staying in their hotels in 2007.

Leaked cables report on the U.S hotel chain’s response to a boycott of its hotels by the GMB and Unison trade unions. In correspondence to Hilton Hotels International, the GMB made is quite clear that:

…discriminating on legal grounds, which includes nationalities, in the provision of goods, facilities or services is unlawful under the 1976 Race Relations Act

Both the GMB and Unison made it apparent that they could not do business with “any company which pursued racist policies”.

Following intense pressure from CSC and the two unions Hilton International concluded:

that their critics’ legal argument was valid. Hilton International has instructed its staff to obey all local law, including the Race Relations Act, even if doing so violates US Cuba sanctions… Hilton has asked the US hotel industry trade association to begin a dialogue with the US government on this issue on behalf of all US hotels operating abroad

Although referring only to the hospitality industry, the hotel giants stressed that “Hilton would like to see a reform of the US Sanctions”.

A subsequent cable reports on a meeting between the Hilton, CSC and the All Party Parliamentary Group on Cuba which reveals that the highly effective boycott of Hilton in 2007 led to concerns regarding the conflict between US sanctions on Cuba and UK law banning discrimination. Members of the Parliamentary Group vowed to “protest the US sanctions with the relevant minister”.

The cables demonstrate the effective lobbying carried out by CSC and the British trade union movement and illustrate the potential for the British government to overrule U.S law. The extraterritorial implementation of the U.S blockade represents not just an affront to Cuban sovereignty, but also that of the British government.

According to comments by the U.S Embassy in London in the same cable, “we have briefed Members of Parliament and the Trade Union Congress that the US does not impose its sanctions obligations extraterritorially on non-US persons”. However, as the experience of Barclays and Lloyds testify, British companies continue to be subjugated to American blockade legislation.

Over 4 million patients seen by Cuban doctors in Nicaragua

2011-09-01T07:39:00.000-07:00

The Ernesto Che Guevara medical brigade working in Nicaragua since 2007 has offered more than four million consultations as part of a collaboration program between Cuba and Nicaragua.

Dr. Alfredo Rodriguez, head of the group, told Latin American news agency Prensa Latina that the Cuban doctors, at the request of the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), will continue offering their help to low-income people in far-off areas.

The Cuban specialists are working in the poorest areas of Nicaragua including Siuna, Bonanza, Puerto Cabeza, Waslala, Mulukuku, Laguna de Perlas, Bluefields and Kukrahill.

They are also providing their services in the Lenin Fonseca Institution, in Managua and in the hospitals of Muelle de los Bueyes (Autonomous Region of the Southern Atlantic) and Waspan (Autonomous Region of the Northern Atlantic).

Rodriguez told Prensa Latina that their work does not simply involve consultations in health care centres, but includes home visits to local families.

Out of 172 Cuban specialists, 43 are participating in the Operation Miracle program which offers people with blindness or poor eyesight free surgery. Over two million people across Latin America have had corrective eye surgery through Operation Miracle.

Cuba also helps Nicaragua by providing medical training to more than 300 youngsters in under and postgraduate programs at the Latin American Medical School based in Havana.

For the FSLN, the Cuban help contributes to meeting the government's objective of restoring the Nicaraguan peoples' rights that were neglected during 16 years of neo-liberalism.

JP Morgan fined $111m for processing financial transactions with Cuba

2011-09-01T06:52:00.000-07:00

Recent fines imposed by the US government's Office for Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) against global financial services firm JP Morgan Chase for processing financial transactions with Cuba show that the Obama administration is still focused on punishing trade with Cuba.

According to the US Treasury Department, JP Morgan Chase processed 1,711 wire transfers valued at $178.5m between 12 December 2005 and 31 March 2006 involving Cuban nationals.

The Cuban Assets Control Regulation prohibits financial transactions with Cuba on the grounds that the country is a “state sponsor of terrorism”. The Cuban Foreign Ministry recently declared that the US government “has absolutely no moral nor any right to judge Cuba, which has an unblemished history in the fight against terrorism and has also been consistently a victim of this scourge.” It said the only reason the island is accused of terrorism “is to discredit Cuba and justify the economic embargo, which has been maintained for half a century.”

As a result of the illegitimate transactions, JP Morgan Chase was fined $111m for violating the control regulations and the company has agreed to pay $88m in settlements to the US Treasury Department.

The fine imposed on JP Morgan Chase is the fourth largest by Washington since the George W. Bush administration when controls relating to the economic blockade of Cuba were tightened.

UK actors to perform Harold Pinter’s works in the Havana Theatre Festival

2011-08-24T08:24:00.000-07:00

Roger Lloyd Pack

The life and works of Harold Pinter, the Nobel prize winner, actor, writer and former patron of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign will be celebrated in Havana in November this year.

A group of UK actors led by Andy de la Tour and Roger Lloyd Pack will bring a selection of Pinter’s works to Cuba for the first time. As well as performance there will be rehearsed readings as well as film screenings and discussions exploring the life of Harold Pinter and recognising his internationalism and commitment to a better world.

The group will be a central element of the acclaimed Festival de Teatro de La Habana (Havana Theatre Festival) which runs across a host of venues and open air spaces between 28 October – 6 November, 2011. The festival showcases works by hundreds of Cuban and international companies through its broad and extensive 10 day programme.

Roger, who played Barty Crouch in the Harry Potter films and is well known for his TV roles such as Trigger in Only Fools and Horses said he was most looking forward to “meeting the Cuban people to share his appreciation of Pinter’s work while hopefully enjoying their famously ‘relaxed’ attitude to timekeeping”

CSC will be running a small study tour to enjoy the Festival. You can download further information and booking form here. Places are limited.

Theatre Festival Tour
26 October – 10 November, £1352pp
Tour includes flights, accommodation at the Hotel Nacional Havana as well as programme of visits.

Contact email or call 020 8800 0155 for more details.

Cuba: US has no right to call us terrorists

2011-08-23T07:44:00.000-07:00

Convicted terrorist and mass murderer Luis Posada Carriles
remains protected by the United States

Since the victory of the Cuban revolution in 1959, the United States has funded and instigated overt and covert attempts to undermine the island’s sovereign government. Over 3,000 Cubans have died as a result of US-backed terrorist attacks on the republic; the Miami Five remain incarcerated in the U.S for fighting terrorism and convicted terrorist Posada Carriles remains protected in Miami. Despite this, the U.S. government inexplicably and hypocritically continues to name Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism.

The following article originally appeared in the Morning Star.

Havana has rejected its inclusion on the new US State Department terror blacklist.

The Cuban Foreign Ministry said on Saturday that the US government “has absolutely no moral nor any right to judge Cuba, which has an unblemished history in the fight against terrorism and has also been consistently a victim of this scourge.”

It accused the US of “political manipulation of such a sensitive issue as the fight against terrorism.”

The Foreign Ministry added that “the terrorist actions against Cuba which were organised, financed and perpetrated from the US territory, often with the complicity of the government itself,” have killed 3,478 Cubans and injured another 2,099.

It said the only reason Cuba had been included on the list “is to discredit Cuba and justify the economic embargo, which has been maintained for half a century.”

Syria, Sudan and Iran were also on the list of countries deemed by Washington to have “repeatedly provided support for acts of international terrorism.”

It was released last Thursday.

American majority wants Cuban embargo lifted

2011-08-18T02:15:00.000-07:00

This story originally appeared on RT.

Poll after poll show a growing number of Americans want an end to the US embargo on Cuba. It has been in place for over half a century and though it was designed to bring down Fidel Castro, it is Cuba’s citizens who have felt its impact most.

Despite promises from President Obama downwards, it seems America’s powerful anti-Castro lobby is not about to let the embargo drop any time soon.

Following the Cuban Revolution in 1959, the US imposed an embargo on all trade, investment and travel in an attempt to bring down the communist government of Fidel Castro

Cubans who fled the island for the US pushed to keep this agenda alive, and so the anti-Castro lobby was born.

“They give a lot of money, US elections are in fact privately financed, and so they've been able to figure out how to play the game. Even though they are a small percentage of the population they play a very big in a key swing state,” Frank Sharry, founder of America's Voice organization, said.

Polls consistently show that two-thirds of Americans favor ending the embargo and normalizing relations with Cuba, and some in Congress agree.

“It’s about time we talked to Cuba and stopped fighting these wars that are about 30 or 40 years old,” Senator Ron Paul said.

But anti-Castro groups have given a total of $1.798.124 in donations to House and Senate candidates from 2004 to 2010, keeping US Cuba policy virtually unchanged.

Fewer than one per cent of Americans are of Cuban origin and the majority emigrated before the end of the Cold War. Unlike the rest of the Hispanic population in the US, 58 per cent of Cubans are US citizens.

"Cubans that arrive and set foot on beaches in Florida are on their way to citizenship. Haitians that arrive and set foot on the beaches of Miami are on their way to a detention center and deportation,” Frank Sharry said.

Cuban Americans are also a force to be reckoned with in Congress. They are the most over-represented community in Congress, with two senators and four representatives, including the powerful Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.

"I welcome the opportunity to have anyone assassinate Fidel Castro and any leader who is oppressing the people," Ileana Ros-Lehtinen said.

They have powerful political action committees behind them, like the US Cuba Democracy PAC, the number one campaign donor in 2006 with $569.624.

“Our community is very focused and concentrated in New Jersey and Florida and so we have to make an effort to get out there and create the relationships,” Mauricio Claver-Carone, Director of US-Cuba Democracy Lobby Group, said.

Their agenda has been known to change many politicians’ minds, including President Barack Obama’s.

“I think it’s time to end the embargo,” Senator Barack Obama said back in January 2004.

Yet he changed his mind while campaigning before the Cuban American National Foundation, stressing that: “As president I’m not going to end the embargo.”

But while the majority of Americans favor ending the sanctions against Cuba, even protesting in the streets, they have yet to match the strength of the anti-Castro lobby.

Examples of previous polls in America which have rejected the blockade of Cuba can be found here and here.

Historic Labour Event in Support of the Miami 5 in Los Angeles

2011-08-17T11:41:00.000-07:00

Mike Gracia, Cristina Vazquez, Ernesto Medrano and Tony Woodley

On August 13 more than 200 workers, labour leaders and community activists came together at the United Service Workers West (SEIU) Hall to participate in an event in solidarity with the Cuban 5. Coincidently that same day Rene Gonzalez one of the five spent another birthday in prison far away from his love ones.

As part of the event those attending were able see the travelling exhibit of Gerardo Hernandez's political cartoons entitled Humour from my Pen. During the event the participants watched a short video of Danny Glover and another video of the campaign of the British unions in support of the Cuban 5.

The significance of this meeting was that it marked the first that a union from the US organized an event solely to inform their rank and file and the leadership about the colossal and ongoing injustice being committed against the Cuban 5. The purpose of the event was to expand the exposure of the case that is boycotted by the media, to the US labour movement and to ask them to join the struggle.

Tony Woodley addressing crowd

Tony Woodley, former president of UNITE, the largest union in England, who travelled all the way to Los Angeles to participate in the event spoke about the importance of solidarity. "Make no mistake about it this is an historical event," Woodley told the crowd. "The Cuban 5 enjoy a great deal of support on the international level but that is not the case inside the United States. The solidarity is absolutely crucial in this case and the political struggle will be decisive for the return of the Five to Cuba." Woodley shared with the audience an emotional meeting he had with the families of the Five on his last visit to Cuba."The Five and their families are all people with great pride and nothing will break their spirit."

Workers and union leaders present at the meeting represented a number of unions from Southern California including service workers, transportation workers, teachers, musicians, healthcare workers, electricians and others. Mike Garcia president SEIU-USWW welcomed the audience and reminded them that the struggle is the only tool that the workers have in their fight for justice. "The struggle for the freedom of the Cuban 5 should be part of the struggle of US workers because it is part of the same fight."

Cristina Vazquez from Workers United briefly explained who the Cuban 5 were and went on to say, "Many of you are learning about the Cuban 5 for the first time at this meeting because this story has been kept out of the news media. Every day we fight against injustice and one of our biggest struggles has been the reunification of families and immigration reform. This fight is no different than that; here we have wives, children and parents who have been separated for 13 years. We need to be the voice of the families of the Cuban 5, we need to be the voice here for the people of Cuba who want their 5 heroes back home." Vazquez encouraged the audience to pick up postcards designed by the union she represents to be sent to President Obama asking for the release of the Five.

Alicia Jrapko from the International Committee for the Freedom of the Cuban 5 spoke about the different campaigns in the US to spread the word about the case. Jrapko explained to the audience that this is a case of human rights and basic justice. "These men came to the US unarmed simply to defend their country from terrorist attacks coming from US soil. With a stroke of a pen Obama can free them. Join us in demanding that."

In recognition of the support from labour, members of the International Committee presented wooden plaques with the symbolic logo on behalf of the Cuban 5 to Tony Woodley, Mike Garcia and Cristina Vazquez. Another plaque was awarded to Natasha Hickman editor of CubaSi!, a publication in solidarity with Cuba produced by the Cuba Solidarity Campaign in the UK.

An informational table with a display explaining the case of the Cuban 5 received a lot of attention with most people signing up to receive updates of the case and took with them hundreds of post cards to send to Obama. Many copies of the new documentary Will the Real Terrorist Please Stand Up were also purchased at the table.

Mike Garcia, referring to the case of the Cuban 5, loudly closed the meeting by asking the audience several times Se Puede? And they responded each time louder; Si Se Puede!

This report was originally produced by the International Committee for the Freedom of the Cuban 5

New revelations on US campaign against the Miami Five

2011-08-12T03:03:00.000-07:00

Documents obtained via the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) constitute overwhelming evidence that the US government paid for a campaign against the Miami Five, five Cuban antiterrorists imprisoned for almost 13 years now.

The campaign involved prominent reporters from the Miami Herald, El Nuevo Herald and the Diario Las Americas newspapers and Miami-based radio and television stations which were on the U.S. government’s payroll during the same period in which these five men were on trial.

The documents were requested by the US National Committee to Free the Cuban Five, the Partnership for Civil Justice Fund (PCJF), and the Liberation newspaper. These documents establish that during the trial the Miami media were saturated with reports that were highly provocative and damaging for the Cuban antiterrorists. The note of the US solidarity organization adds that new appeals to the government by the National Committee, Liberation and the PCJF for the handing over of other documents are still pending, in order to continue exposing – it asserts – the systematic and illegal policy of the US government in the juridical process of The Five.

The Reporters For Hire website presents the information revealed by way of the FOIA at the disposal of the public. It cites as an example the case of Enrique Encinosa, who has defended bombs attacks against Cuban hotels, and was hired by the US government while he was working as “independent” director for news at a powerful radio station. Encinosa boasted in a radio interview on the Internet about having been involved in paramilitary organizations against the Cuban Revolution, and during the trial against the five Cubans he regularly broadcast news at the WAQI ("Radio Mambi") and was a frequent commentator about their arrest and prosecution. He received, according to the FOIA, up to a total of 10,400 dollars for presenting a weekly program in Radio Marti, from October 1st, 2000, to September 30, 2001, a period that covered the trial against Cubans Antonio Guerrero, Ramon Labañino, Fernando Gonzalez, Gerardo Hernandez, and Rene Gonzalez, which lasted from November 27, 2000, to June 8, 2001.

Times have changed in Cuba, but softly the struggle continues

2011-08-04T06:18:00.000-07:00

On his first visit in 1967, John Pilger witnessed the effects of US efforts to isolate the island. In this week’s New Statesman, Pilger recounts his thoughts on Cuba.

On my first day in Cuba, in 1967, I waited in a bus queue that was really a conga line. Ahead of me were two large, funny women resplendent in frills of blinding yellow; one of them had an especially long bongo under her arm. When the bus arrived, painted in Cuba's colours for its inaugural service, they announced that the gringo had not long arrived from London and was therefore personally responsible for this breach in the American blockade. It was an honour I could not refuse.

The bus was a Leyland, made in Lancashire, one of 400 shipped to Cuba in defiance of Washington, which had declared war on the revolution of Fidel Castro. With "The Internationale" and "Love Me Do" played to a bongo beat - the Beatles having been "admitted to the revolution" - we lurched through the crooked streets of Havana. Such a fond memory now accompanies me on my return to Cuba; yet, looking back at what I wrote then, I find I used the word "melancholy" more than once. For all the natural warmth of Cubans, the hardship of their imposed isolation left smiles diminished and eyes averted once the music had stopped.

Beyond the nationalised American department stores (the windows empty except for Chinese electric fires of which Cubans had no need) and the flickering necklace of lights at the almost deserted port, there was the silhouette of an American spy ship, the USS Oxford, policing Cuba's punishment. In 1968, the revolution added its own folly by summarily banning all small businesses, including the paladares, Havana's lively bars and restaurants. The Soviet era had begun.

Spirit of Independence

The needs of survival now underwrote a morose presence of Russian advisers. Cuba's main crop, sugar cane, went almost entirely to the Soviet Union in a life-saving deal struck in 1961 by Che Guevara, who had little time for the Soviet version of communism. The urgency was made clear by the then US secretary of state, Dean Rusk, who the following year wondered if "this is the time to eliminate the Cuban problem by actually eliminating the island". The CIA's relentless terrorism against Cuba included numerous attempts to assassinate Castro and the blowing up of a Cuban airliner with the loss of 73 lives. Three US administrations tightened the vice of the blockade so successfully that the calorific intake of Cubans in the 1990s dropped by a third. Today, Cuba is banned from buying nearly half of all world-class drugs in a market dominated by the US. A catastrophe has been averted, says the American Association of World Health, only because of the extraordinary priority the Cuban government has given public health. For me, to arrive in a Latin American society without grinding poverty filling the eye is almost a shock.

“Accelerating the hard features of Cuba," a US diplomat once said, memorably, "will be the measure of our success, not theirs." He meant the authoritarian line handed down from the top, and the petty restrictions and impediments to serious dissent. When they could, many Cubans left. These days, the hard features are softer, perhaps changed beyond recognition. The educated young have made their disaffection known. Raúl Castro, who formally replaced his elder brother as president in 2008, says the bureaucracy to which he has devoted his life "has been tied for years to obsolete criteria". He wants to reduce the presidency to two five-year terms, a proposal once unthinkable.

With the Soviet times preserved in the rusting shells of missiles strewn on the bluff next to Che Guevara's house, Cuba seems determined to reclaim the independence that was its original heroic achievement: the precursor of contemporary revolutions, however imperfect. Proudly manipulating the gears of his canary-yellow 1952 Chevy convertible, Juan Ramón Ramírez pointed out the cardiac institute where his life was saved, free of charge. In most of Latin America, he would probably be dead now.

Off the Leash

Tourism has long replaced sugar, with the benefit of jobs and hard currency and the odium of a separate currency. When I first came, Havana's great cathedral of a hotel, the Nacional, was so bereft in its echoing emptiness that I was offered Errol Flynn's room - 235 - and a laundry service that entailed a man in a dark suit and shades driving my shirts somewhere in a mighty 1940 Cadillac LaSalle. Today, the great teak doors and Corinthian columns overlook Europeans with neat rucksacks. A jukebox still plays and there is a list of "famously nostalgic" rooms: Mafia 211, Nat King Cole 218, Ava Gardner and Frank Sinatra 225, Fred Astaire 228, Johnny Weissmuller (Tarzan) 232. That I, an inveterate swimmer, lapped the very same pool as the great Weissmuller, one of the fastest swimmers of all time, compensates for missing out on Errol Flynn's art deco playpen.

The Cuban writer Leonardo Padura Fuentes describes his country's attraction as a "magnetism, sometimes morbid, sometimes admiring", leaving no one indifferent. Radios that crackle, a new airport terminal with birds nesting, the early-morning snores of an official at passport control and the palpable ambivalence of pride and frustration belong to a revolution that sends tens of thousands of doctors across the world for the sole purpose of helping other human beings: an epic internationalism.

It is the idea of Cuba having slipped the leash that still threatens America's time-warped sense of its own power and self-given right to define other societies. As Richard Gott points out in his fine book Cuba: a New History, modern Cuba's creator, el máximo líder Fidel, in swapping his slogan from "socialism or death" to "a better world is possible", has ensured that there will be little change when he dies: regardless of machinations across the Florida Straits, change has already taken place.

It is the idea of Cuba having slipped the leash that still threatens America's time-warped sense of its own power and self-given right to define other societies. As Richard Gott points out in his fine book Cuba: a New History, modern Cuba's creator, el máximo líder Fidel, in swapping his slogan from "socialism or death" to "a better world is possible", has ensured that there will be little change when he dies: regardless of machinations across the Florida Straits, change has already taken place.

Beyond the Frame – Contemporary Cuban Art

2011-08-02T06:14:00.000-07:00

Breaking the Silence: Beyond the Frame - Contemporary Cuban Art

23 April – 28 April 2012, Gallery 27, Central London

Doreen Weppler-Grogan reports on a major new exhibition of Cuban art featuring the work of Miami Five prisoners Antonio Guerrero and Gerardo Hernandez, alongside contemporary Cuban artists which CSC will bring to the UK in April 2012.

By staging a major exhibition and sale of Cuban art in London next spring, CSC is determined to see that the media silence surrounding the campaign for justice for the Miami is brought to an end.

However, Beyond the Frame – Contemporary Cuban Art will have more than a campaigning focus. It is a serious presentation of Cuba’s visual arts, involving contributions by 25 of Cuba’s foremost artists, and a product of a close working relationship with the Visual Arts Council in Cuba. Alongside the artwork from Cuba will be contributions from two of the Five.

Antonio Guerrero and Gerardo Hernandez have both developed their artistic interests while in prison: Antonio with drawing and painting; Gerardo with cartoons. Additionally, prominent UK-based artists are being approached to donate their own work in support of the aims of the project.

The exhibition will be staged at the prestigious Gallery 27 in the heart of London’s art district in Cork Street and will be an important event in London’s cultural calendar. The exhibition’s opening event will be attended by the Cuban ambassador, members of Antonio’s family, several of the Cuban artists exhibiting, patrons of the exhibition, as well as other important guests.

The majority of those exhibiting from Cuba are well established on the international art scene, although a number of them have never exhibited in the UK.

The 25 include Manuel Mendive, a past exhibitor in the UK who has been described as the most important artist practicing in Cuba today. Another is Alexis Leyva (Kcho), an artist and National Assembly member, who has treated the theme of migration in his work, but is also known for the cultural brigades he organised to areas devastated by hurricanes in Cuba as well as Haiti.

Outstanding photographers who recorded the epic events of the revolution’s early days like Ernesto Fernández and Roberto Salas will contribute, as will the ceramicist and painter José Fuster. René Peña, an artist who explores through photographic images notions of race and identity in Cuba and has considerable international exposure, is another participant. There are many others of similar stature, and with each producing new work, the exhibition will make available an element of the rich cultural life of Cuba that is less familiar to many viewers, and on a scale not previously seen in the UK.

The exhibition’s title points to the variety of audiences that will be interested in the exhibition: cultural enthusiasts and art lovers, past visitors to Cuba on package holidays, academics following developments on the island; art investors, campaigners for justice for the Five, amongst others. While the exhibition will showcase the great diversity and richness of Cuba’s plastic arts, the title Beyond the Frame will loosely link the works and appeal to the different audiences the show will attract. It suggests not only the role of the frame as it is traditionally seen in painting, as a boundary or restraint; but also the way the Five have been ‘framed’ by the US government.

But by looking ‘beyond’ the frame, viewers will also consider what exists outside of the frame (perhaps considered, symbolically, as the cell of the prison), which is a source of optimism because it is the campaigning activity and the unwavering principles of the Five that will ultimately destroy the ‘frame’.

Patrons for the event include (to date) artists like John Keane, the official Gulf War artist in 1991 and whose more recent work has treated the subject of detainees at Guantánamo Bay; John Byrne, noted Scottish artist and playwright, author of many works including the TV series Tutti Frutti; Richard Deacon, a Turner prize winner whose monumental sculptures can be found in sites at Warwick University, Toronto, Gateshead, and elsewhere; and the noted Latin American art curator, Professor Dawn Ades. Other patrons drawn from the cultural sector include actors such as Maxine Peake and Roger Lloyd Pack; cultural writers such as the celebrated John Berger; political writer and novelist Tariq Ali; and the poet Benjamin Zephaniah. The aim of the exhibition is to win support from areas not reached in the past, which will include personalities who the media finds it more difficult to ignore. A website is currently under production that will display the artwork and provide biographical details of each of the artists.

Can you help?
This exhibition is a major undertaking for CSC. A project of this scale requires enormous funding that goes beyond what is possible to attain through the sale of the artwork. It is being organised by a committee that involves CSC campaigners as well as those with expertise in the arts and heritage sector. However, its success will depend on the activities and commitment of CSC members in campaigning for support and funding, and nearer the time, winning viewers to actually get down to Cork Street next April. If you have any expertise in any field related to this event contact Dodie Weppler, Beyond the Frame co-ordinator Tel. 07958 169627 or Rob Miller at CSC National Office on 020 8800 0155.

Miami Five prisoner Antonio Guerrero displays one of his recent paintings

In Santiago it's always the 26th July

2011-07-26T08:27:00.000-07:00

Visitors to Santiago will see the figure 26 all over the city. It is used in slogans such as “En Santiago Siempre es 26” (In Santiago it always the 26th); the cartoon character associated with the city, Chaguito, wears a red and black bandana with the figure 26 in the middle; there are many murals of the turrets of the Moncada Barracks, with the figure 26. Mick Shaw, writes about the events leading up to the most important date in the city’s history

The 26th July 1953, a very important date in the history of Cuba and particularly the city of Santiago. It was on that date that Fidel Castro and 128 comrades set out in the early hours of the morning, from a small farm near the seaside town of Siboney, to launch an attack on the Moncada Barracks in Santiago, the second most important military installation of the government of Cuban dictator Fulgencia Batista. Although militarily unsuccessful, the events of that day were to change the course of Cuban history and lead to the Triumph of the Cuban Revolution five and a half years later.

Batista had come to power in a military coup one year earlier, in March 1952. His government, brutal, corrupt and incompetent, was hugely unpopular. Fidel Castro and a group of like-minded young men and women, primarily from Havana, decided that it would be necessary to take direct military action against the dictatorship. Plans were laid for an audacious attack the following year.

A small farm house was rented in Siboney, about 10 miles from Cuba’s second city, Santiago, ostensibly to establish a small chicken farm, but in reality to store weapons and uniforms and to provide a base for the planned attack. Military training was undertaken in order to prepare for the operation. The precise details of the planned events were known by only a small group, only one of whom was a native of Santiago.

On 24 July the group travelled to Santiago, staying in a hotel and lodging houses in the city. The arrival of groups of young men and women from the capital aroused no suspicion, because this was during the annual week-long carnival, when many revellers would descend on the city. On the night of the 25, 127 men and 2 women made their way to the small farmhouse (now a museum named the Granjita Siboney).

At 4am they set off in three convoys, one led by Fidel Castro, whose task was to storm the barracks itself; the second, led by Fidels’s brother Raul, intended to take the Palace of Justice, which overlooked the barracks; the third group was led by Abel Santamaria, with the task of capturing the civil hospital which also overlooked the military complex. Simultaneously, an attack took place at the Carlos Manuel de Cespedes barracks in Bayamo, with the aim of preventing reinforcements being sent to Santiago from that city.

The audacious attack did not go well. Although the soldiers, many of whom were presumably hungover from the celebrations of the previous night, were taken by surprise, they managed to repel the attack on the barracks. Fidel’s group managed to escape, after five were killed in an exchange of gunfire, as did Raul’s contingent. The unluckiest were Abel Santamaria’s group of 20, who were cornered in the hospital. Most were savagely tortured before being summarily executed.

Those who had escaped tried to seek refuge in the nearby countryside. Many were captured and murdered. In total, 61 assailants lost their lives, either on the day or those that followed. The widespread public revulsion at the brutality of Batista’s forces’ response meant that those who were captured in later days were spared their lives. This included Fidel, who was captured in the nearby mountains.

Although the attack was militarily unsuccessful, the sheer audacity of it and the savage response of Batista’s forces ensured that public sympathy was firmly on the rebels’ side. Fidel was tried in a makeshift court room in the civil hospital, on 16 October 1953. Representing himself, Fidel turned his defence into a scathing attack on Batista’s regime and outlined a manifesto for an alternative future. He concluded with the immortal lines: “Condenadme, no importa, la historia me absolvera” (Condemn me, it’s not important, history will absolve me). The speech was smuggled out of prison and widely distributed by Fidel’s supporters.

The subsequent course of history is well known. Fidel was imprisoned and then granted an amnesty two years later, after which he went into exile in Mexico. At the end of 1956, along with his brother Raul and a young Argentine named Ernesto (Che) Guevara, he returned to Cuba on the yacht the Granma. The survivors of the landing regrouped in the Sierra Maestra mountains and launched a two year guerrilla war in which they defeated Batista’s numerically superior and better armed troops. On 1 January 1959, from the steps of Santiago’s town hall, Fidel was able to publicly announce the triumph of the revolution.

Without the events of July 26 1953 the subsequent course of Cuban history would have been different. It is a date that the Cuban Government is determined to ensure is remembered, along with the sacrifice made by those who lost their lives on that day. Each July 26 there is a ceremony at the site of the barracks, in which schoolchildren re-enact the events of that day. The barracks is now a school, with a museum. The grounds of the barracks are now a sports field, for use by local schools.

There are museums at the Granjita Siboney, at the Moncada Barracks and in what remains of the civil hospital, including the room where Fidel was tried. On the road between Siboney and Santiago are 26 monuments, containing the names of those who lost their lives on that day. On the site of the civil hospital is a park named after Abel Santamaria, with a monument containing his image. At Bayamo, what remains of the barracks is also a museum, along with the small hotel where the assailants stayed the night before the attack.

I would strongly recommend anybody interested in the Cuban Revolution to visit Santiago and Bayamo and to see for themselves the sites of those historic events of 26 July 1953, when the course of Cuban history was changed.

This article was written by Mick Shaw, former FBU President, for CubaSi magazine.

At home with Cuba's public enemy number one

2011-07-20T03:46:00.000-07:00

The following article was originally written for the BBC by Rob Walker. To read the article in its original format and watch an associated video click here.

Luis Posada Carriles is a Cuban militant, a former CIA operative, and to some, a mass murderer.

But at home in Miami, he proudly shows me a plaque from supporters dedicated to "Bambi", one of the half dozen noms de guerre he used in five decades of fighting Fidel Castro's Cuba.

Mr Posada is also quick to show me the scars he says that battle has left him. He takes my hand and presses it to the smashed right side of his face - the result of a 1990 assassination attempt in Guatemala.

"A bullet hit me in the jaw. Another one hit me in the chest and exited from my back," he said. "I was shot six times."

He says the attack was carried out on Mr Castro's orders, a charge Cuba denies. I ask him how many times he believes Mr Castro has tried to have him killed.

"That I know of, three," he says.

I ask: "And how many times how you tried to kill Fidel Castro?"

At this point, his lawyer intervenes and stops him from answering. Mr Posada smiles at me. He looks as though he is bursting to say more.

Assassination plots

Mr Posada is in many ways a relic from a past era. Today most Cuban Americans want to see a peaceful transition in Havana.

Mr Posada's militant exile generation is fading away.

But for them, just like Cuba's ageing rulers, the struggle which began 50 years ago is still not over.

While his supporters deem him a freedom fighter, the Cuban government calls Mr Posada the "Bin Laden of the Americas".

In addition to multiple alleged plots to kill the former Cuban leader, Mr Posada is accused in Cuba and Venezuela in a series of alleged terrorism offences.

He was involved in the failed US-backed invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs in 1961, then worked as a CIA operative until the mid-1970s.

He was arrested in Venezuela in 1976 following the bombing of a Cuban airliner that killed 73 people. Declassified FBI and CIA documents show US agents received information that Mr Posada was involved in the bombing.

Confession

He was acquitted by a military tribunal in Venezuela, but then escaped from prison while facing a civilian trial.

Mr Posada is also accused of masterminding a series of hotel bombings in Cuba in 1997, in which an Italian businessman was killed and a dozen other people were wounded.

He admitted planning the attacks in a taped interview with a New York Times journalist a year later, but then recanted that confession.

Mr Posada's life-long career as a Cuban militant was not quite over. He was jailed over a plot to assassinate Fidel Castro in Panama in 2000, but was pardoned four years later.

Mr Posada was then arrested in the United States after sneaking into the country from Mexico in 2005. But to the anger of the Cuban government, he was not prosecuted for terrorist offences.

Instead he was accused of lying to immigration officials about how he got into the US and about his alleged involvement in the hotel bombings in Cuba. He was acquitted in April.

'Explosives and detonators'

Three months on, Cuba is still furious that Mr Posada is living freely in the United States and says the evidence against him is overwhelming.

In a government office in Havana, I'm introduced to Otto Rene Rodriguez, a Salvadoran who is serving a 30-year prison sentence.

He has admitted planting a bomb in a Havana hotel in 1997, under the instructions of Mr Posada.

"He offered to pay me between $1,000 (£620) and $2,000 dollars for each device," Mr Rodriguez said.

"I only planted one in the end. He wanted me to do it to disrupt the tourist system. He gave me the explosives, and the detonators and helped me build them."

After planting the bomb, Mr Rodriguez says Luis Posada paid him to fly to Cuba a second time carrying a consignment of explosives.

He smuggled them on to a plane by hiding them in his shoes, a shampoo bottle and a deodorant stick. Mr Rodriguez says he was told to hand over the explosives to a man named Juan.

Mercenaries and witnesses

But in fact Juan was a Cuban agent who had infiltrated the network of Cuban exiles working with Luis Posada. Mr Rodriguez was arrested at the airport.

He was soon being questioned by Lt Col Roberto Hernandez Caballero, an investigator for Cuba's Interior Ministry and a man who has spent two decades trying to gather evidence against Mr Posada.

"We have the testimonies of six mercenaries that came to place explosives; we have the devices confiscated from those mercenaries; we have witnesses to the bombings," Col Hernandez told me.

He said US authorities were guilty of a double standard in the "war on terror" because they had failed to prosecute Mr Posada for his alleged role in the bombings.

"It's not just us who've got this evidence," he said.

"We have given this evidence to the US government, in written documents, and in tapes with the statements of the terrorists. We have shared all the facts with US officials, so that there can be justice."

Untroubled retirement

The Cuban government is demanding Mr Posada be prosecuted in the US for terrorism offences or be extradited to Venezuela to face charges of blowing up the Cuban airliner in 1976.

In a statement, the US Department of Justice told the BBC it had aggressively pursued prosecution of Mr Posada over several years and that its prosecutors had presented the strongest case they believed they could prove beyond a reasonable doubt in court.

Back at home in Miami, Mr Posada is apparently able to look forward to a retirement untroubled by further prosecution.

He points out his favourites among the pictures he has painted that now crowd the walls.

He tells me he had no role in the downing of the Cuban airliner. But when I ask Mr Posada about the evidence against him, his lawyer threatens to terminate the interview.

'Against tyranny'

Mr Posada's lawyer also refuses to allow him to answer questions about the series of hotel bombings in Havana, even whether or not he condemns them.

Mr Posada is circumspect about whether he would support today any violent actions launched by exiles from the US.

"I live in the US," he said, "and I would not violate any law of the US."

Mr Posada is allowed to answer a question about the direction his opposition to the Castros' Cuba now takes.

"If there is an actual revolutionary movement from the Cuban people against the Cuban government, or from the Cuban army against their tyranny, I would be there," he said, "even if it meant I had to be cooking food for soldiers".

Relatives of the 73 killed in the 1976 airline bombing demand Mr Posada's extradition

Letters to Fidel

2011-07-08T06:20:00.000-07:00

Julie Lamin revisits the Cuban National Literacy Campaign of 1961 at the National Literacy Museum, Havana, Cuba.

‘It is the most important thing I have ever done in my life,’ said Marta, now in her sixties, describing her role as a volunteer literacy teacher in Castro’s 1961 crusade to take a million Cubans to functional literacy.

Following the 1959 revolutionary victory which ousted the dictator Batista and freed Cuba from United States control, Fidel Castro asked for volunteers to teach literacy skills to over one million illiterate land and factory workers. 100,000 young people, half of them teenage girls, stepped forward to enrol. For girls like Marta, who was fourteen at the time, this huge adventure required the permission of reluctant parents, wary of letting their daughters travel to the countryside of the distant Eastern provinces from the relative safety of Havana. Once permission was secured, they were soon engaged as literacy teachers.

‘Not only was this highly exciting to us as girls who lived a sheltered life, it was massive for our self-esteem. We were given the responsibility to teach. However, we were given training and had a mentor to help us. We learnt how to prepare lessons, were observed teaching and gave classes to each other, all using the Brigadista manual and teaching book.’

The brigadistas taught their students the Spanish vowel and consonant sounds and syllables of words crucial to them playing an active role in the emerging democracy, especially as each Cuban land-worker had recently received their own 65 hectares of land under agrarian reform and would need to know how best to farm it and to protect it from counter-revolutionary aggression.

Fifty years on, it is inspiring to reflect on a typical image of those important nine months of the literacy campaign. Picture the darkness of a place where no electricity has yet reached. In the light of a kerosene lantern, the dark head of a fourteen-year-old and the grey and white scalps of adults, (the oldest of whom was a hundred and two) are bowed together over a book. Young and old bring letters alive in sounds. In old hands, for the first time, pencils are held, marks on a page make sense and letters give meaning and permanence to thoughts, feelings and ideas beyond the seconds in which they were uttered.

By the end of 1961, over 707,000 had become literate, turning the national rate of literacy from 65 -75% under the Batista regime, to 96%. For those of us used to a twenty-first century culture of testing literacy and grading children and adults according to their scores, it is an inevitable question: how could they prove so many people became literate? What was the test?

The answer is simple but oh so very sensible. ‘To write you need to think. If you cannot read what you write, then you cannot say you can read and write and you are therefore not literate,’ explained Luisa Campos Gallardo, the Director of the National Literacy Museum, Havana. ‘To prove their new literacy skills,’ she added, ‘the students were asked to write a letter to Fidel Castro explaining how their lives had been changed as a result of becoming literate.

Beautifully neat cursive script in sentences and paragraphs not only expressed gratitude but proclaimed love for their leader who had instigated their literacy, as if mastering the pencil had drawn up a great well of suppressed emotion. ‘I never knew what it was to feel Cuban until I learnt how to write,’ wrote one eighty-six year-old.

Invariably the often lengthy epistles concluded by wishing the young Fidel ‘very good health’. Although such good wishes might seem like politeness, years later, in one of those moving circles of time, Fidel, ill and old, remembered the good health messages of these letters and asked if they could be brought to him. He drew much consolation from them, as if discovering a new medicine. For literacy in Cuba, and indeed anywhere, is so much more than being able to decode or reproduce print. It is the key to health and prosperity, dignity and humanity, nationality and democracy as the words of the freshly literate Cubans gave ample testament to.

Source: Museum of The Literacy Campaign, Havana.

Unison delegates turn out in force to show solidarity with Cuba

2011-06-22T02:46:00.000-07:00

At a lively fringe meeting at Unison National Delegates’ Conference in Manchester, over 250 delegates heard from Manuel Montero, European Officer for the Central de Trabajadores de Cuba (Cuban equivalent of the TUC). Manuel spoke about the economic reforms in Cuba and contextualised them within the ongoing blockade of the island and the global economic crisis.

Cuba – as a result of international recession and financial crisis – is now paying an additional 900 million dollars for its annual food imports. The effects of the world-wide recession have been compounded by a number of natural disasters including 16 hurricanes which battered the island between 1998 and 2008. To pay for this, Cuba has had to embark on a process of economic reforms to rejuvenate the economy and develop their socialist model. As Manuel said:

This has been achieved through a program of mass participatory democracy. Neighbourhoods, students, farmers, trade unions, workers have all been consulted. 8 million people in total were involved with 30% of the original proposals accepted and the rest amended or rejected. They will take five years to implement to ensure continuity and sustainability.

Manuel compared the current economic crisis with the special period which occurred after the collapse of the Soviet Union. During the 1990s Cuba lost 95% of its trade but survived because of “the support and work of the population which ensured the economic recovery”. Manuel believes the same sense of national unity will ensure the success of the economic reforms.

As in the 1990s, Cuba faces a “complex challenge of introducing a number of changes to make the economy more efficient and raise living standards for all Cubans”.

In addition to the current economic crisis, Cuba remains the victim of an illegal and inhumane blockade. According to Manuel, Barack Obama made many promises about normalising relations with Cuba but many of these remain unfulfilled and the impact of the blockade is now “worse than ever”.

The reason for the ongoing blockade is America’s fear of Cuba’s “good example”. Manuel described how the blockade is imposed extraterritorially by the US and commented how a Swiss bank was fined 100 million dollars for trading with Cuba.

Manuel also highlighted the hypocrisy of American foreign policy and reflected that – whilst Cuba continues to be named as a country promoting terrorism – the Miami Five remain imprisoned within America for fighting terrorism. Since the triumph of the revolution in 1959, America has funded and organised terrorist acts against Cuba in an attempt to undermine their socialist system. As a result of this, 3500 Cubans have been killed and more than 3000 have been handicapped.

Keith Sonnet, chairing the meeting, praised the fifty years of solidarity between Britain and Cuba and appealed for Unison branches and regions to affiliate to the Cuba Solidarity Campaign.

Young trade unionists inspired by May Day brigade

2011-06-17T04:23:00.000-07:00

Twenty-eight young activists from across the British trade union movement visited Cuba to enjoy the May Day festivities and offer their support and solidarity to the Cuban people. Delegates from five trade unions – including Unite, Unison, GMB, TSSA and UCATT – joined trade unionists and political activists from around the world in a celebratory program of cultural activities, entertainment and political education.

On the fiftieth anniversary of the Cuban literacy brigades – in which mass literacy was brought to working people and peasants for the first time – and the Cuban victory over US-backed invading forces at the Bay of Pigs, brigadistas learnt about Cuba’s long struggle against foreign intervention and its prioritisation of health, education and internationalism.

The brigade was heart-moving, liberating, educational and most of all life-changing. I can’t wait to go back to the UK and spread the word. Viva Cuba! (Vikki, Unison)

The delegation was welcomed into the homes and communities of local Committees for the Defence of the Revolution, met with members of the Federation of Cuban Women and heard about trade unionism in Cuba. The group attended a solidarity conference with more than a thousand delegates from unions and campaigns within Cuba and the rest of the world to share experience of workers’ struggles and discuss strategy for dealing with the world economic crisis.

The British activists met with young contemporaries in Cuba to learn about their struggle living under the effects of an illegal blockade, visited workplaces and heard about Cuba’s economic reforms. As privileged guests of the Cuban equivalent of the TUC – the Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC) – the brigade gained valuable insight into Cuban trade unionism and their crucial role in the government and economic management of the country.

Delegates met family members of the Miami Five and their ongoing struggle for justice illustrates the continuing need for support from the international trade union movement.

The brigade was a fantastic, humbling experience. For the first time in my life I watched millions march in celebration and not protest. I saw unity of an entire country, people so passionate and proud. It was inspiring and I had the time of my life. (Craig, GMB Northern Region)

There were a number of outstanding visits – from the Abracadabra theatre production, the Museum of the Revolution and visits to workplaces, kindergartens and schools – but the resounding highlight was definitely the May Day rally.

As the sun rose over Revolution Square in Havana – illuminating the permanent tributes to revolutionary heroes Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara and Camilo Cienfuegos – nearly one million proud Cubans paraded past the monument to Cuba’s Jose Marti waving flags, placards and chanting enthusiastically.

The May Day parade was amazing. It was great to see so many people proud of their country. It was definitely the best experience of my life! (Danny, UCATT)

Although there was plenty of time for fun and relaxation – with entertainment provided by local artists and exotic cocktails flowing freely – the purpose of the brigade was to learn about Cuba’s experience and show solidarity with the Cuban people. Brigadistas braved the scorching heat to undertake agricultural work with their Cuban comrades and experienced life under an illegal and inhumane blockade which denies ordinary people access to basic resources. UCATT delegate Danny Wright also visited the Miramar Theatre in Havana to present some personal protection equipment donated by the union.

For over 50 years Cuba has been isolated by the international community but the British trade union movement – with 24 national unions affiliated to the Cuba Solidarity Campaign and regular solidarity brigades to the island – is leading the fight-back against this isolation.

The young trade union brigade returned home humbled and inspired by their experiences in Cuba and many have already become heavily involved in the work of CSC helping to raise funds, awareness and union support. For the people of Cuba, this ongoing support and solidarity is invaluable. Viva Cuba!

United States’ blockade of Cuba is ‘economic warfare’

2011-06-05T17:10:00.000-07:00

In a packed fringe meeting at GMB National Conference in Brighton, over fifty delegates heard about Cuba’s social achievements and learnt about the island’s struggle to defend socialism in the face of worldwide economic crisis and within the context of continuing economic blockade.

Cuban Ambassador Esther Armenteros heralded the triumph of the Cuban Revolution and the opportunities it gave her – as a black working-class woman – to build and develop her career. Esther – joking that she was wary of giving away her age – declared she was (just) old enough to remember what life was like prior to the revolution and likened the racial segregation in Batista’s Cuba to apartheid South Africa. The revolution’s victory created unprecedented opportunities for women and black people in Cuba and – whilst Esther concedes the system is not perfect – it has created unparalleled levels of equality and well-being.

Cuba’s achievements – according to Esther – are even more remarkable considering the ongoing “economic warfare” which the United States has waged against the island. Next year marks the 50th anniversary of the economic blockade of Cuba which over the course of its history has cost the Cuban economy an estimated $750billion. Ambassador Armenteros believes the ongoing blockade of Cuba is purely political and declared that “the United States has never forgiven Cuba for building socialism in their own backyard, but Cuba will continue to fight for its rights and for socialism”.

Former Labour MP Colin Burgon placed Cuba’s struggle for national sovereignty within the ongoing narrative of American influence in Latin America. Colin drew the origins of US intervention within the Americas back to the collapse of the Spanish empire and the implementation of the Monroe Doctrine which declared Latin America as under the United States’ sphere of influence.

Colin attacked U.S intervention in Latin America but said we can learn so much from the progressive governments in Latin American and the great changes they have brought. He urged the British labour movement to draw inspiration and encouragement from Latin America and use their example to demonstrate the failure of neo-liberalism:

We have to show that working people shouldn’t pay for the banking crisis... Just because neo-liberalism has dominated in the UK, it doesn’t mean that it has to. We have to learn from the progressive governments in Latin America.

Colin concluded by urging the GMB to intensify its international work – particularly with Cuba and Venezuela – whilst Chair Andy Newman, editor of Socialist Unity, praised the solidarity work of Cuban health workers around the world.

May Day Brigade is amazing experience for Unison delegation

2011-06-03T08:17:00.000-07:00

Unison recently sent four delegates on our Young Trade Unionists’ May Day Brigade to Cuba. Unison delegate, Lisa Scott (above, right), reports on the Brigade below.

At the beginning of the year I was given the opportunity of joining the Cuba Solidarity Campaign (CSC) on their annual Young Trade Unionists’ May Day Brigade. This is a chance for trade unionists under the age of 35 to visit Cuba and see how the history and politics of their country differ to our own and also gives us the chance to show our support and solidarity to a country that is still being blockaded by the USA after more than 50 years. I agreed to go and to be honest I wasn’t sure what to expect.

Before I left, people asked me what I was going to be doing and when I couldn’t really tell them past doing some gardening work and participating in the country’s May Day Rally, I got the same look and response: So really you’re just going on a holiday then? Well what could I say? I didn’t really have an answer. I didn’t do much research into the country and their background before I went so that I could try and learn as much as possible on the trip. Before we left we received a short meeting with the organiser, Dan Smith, who told us that we would receive a full itinerary on arrival in Cuba as it was still changing on a daily basis so I actually didn’t have any idea what I was going to be doing. I packed according to a list given to us by CSC along with a number of gifts that we received both from Unison and other companies and organisations. On my return from Cuba, what can I tell you?

Well for a start it was not “just” a holiday! I was one of 28 people in the British delegation from all over the UK and one of 4 people from Unison. The other delegates were from GMB, TSSA, Unite and UCATT. We stayed at the Julio Antionio Mella International camp where we were part of a 200 strong brigade from over 40 different countries. Our home for the next 2 weeks was basic to say the least. Each block had 8 dorms and each of these housed 8 people. The facilities were split in to male and female but we only had 4 toilets and 4 showers to share between, not exactly luxury, especially when you take into account the fact that one of these toilets was just a hole in the ground! Because of the number of females in our delegation it was not possible for us all to stay together so myself and 4 others chose to share a dorm with one Turkish and two Canadian delegates. As it turned out, this was the best thing to happen as we managed to socialise and interact with lots of the other delegations and form friendships and connections with them that has carried on since we’ve come home.

So what did we do whilst we were away? Not sunbathe I can tell you... at least not for the majority of the trip anyway.

We did so many things over the two weeks including:

Attended the opening of an exhibition on Cuba and the Cuban 5 by a local photographer
Met with the family of the Cuban 5, or the Miami 5 as you may have heard them called
Participated in an International night, setting up a stall of English food and drink for people to try
Cleared a local farmer’s field so that it was ready for the next batch of crops to be planted
Visited the Museum of the Revolution to learn more about the history of the country
Watched a theatre production by a local youth theatre group on the importance of educating young people on their history and the background of the Cuban 5
Watched documentaries on important moments in history such as the invasion of Playa Giron (Bay of Pigs) which is celebrating its 50th anniversary this year
Participated in the Annual May Day Rally
Attended the Annual Cuba Solidarity Conference, with one of our delegation even giving a speech on the day in front of all the delegations
Visited the Bay of Pigs to learn more of the history by visiting the museum there
Watched community groups and saw how this helps the people that live there
Visited the Memorial Library and met victims of terrorism
Met the Federation of Cuban Women and discussed how they help their communities including during pregnancy and with disabilities etc
Attended a meeting of the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR)
Visited the Che Guevara memorial, mausoleum and museum
Visited the memorial to the “Armoured Train”
Met with ex-Cuban security cover agents that have infiltrated some counter-revolutionary cells
Attended the official closing and farewell meeting of the brigade.

We did get time to enjoy ourselves and I’m not saying we were sober the entire time, but I can definitely say it was not the easy trip I thought it was going to be, especially when you were fed the same rice and beans every day! (think of “I’m a celebrity” food)

My highlights of the trip were the May Day Rally which moved me to tears with the way they came together to celebrate their country and show how much they love it and the youth theatre group which taught me about the Cuban 5’s history and made me wonder how a group of kids could be so amazingly talented.

There are a few things that I have brought back with me from the trip and one of these is a sense of disappointment that we do not have the same sense of pride in our country that the Cubans do. They are incredibly proud of what they have achieved and of the journey that they have taken to get there. The only thing that they ask of visitors is that we return home and tell people of the things we have seen and experienced whilst in their country.

It is a beautiful place with an amazing culture and history, if you ever get the opportunity to visit please do and on your return show your support and solidarity for this wonderful country by joining the CSC to help Cuba in any way you can. I loved the experience as did my 27 comrades on the trip and hopefully I will have the chance to go again next year to do some of the things I didn’t get chance to do this time.

VIVA CUBA!

CWU Delegates Show Solidarity With Cuba

2011-05-23T10:07:00.000-07:00

Over 70 delegates at the CWU’s national conference in Bournemouth resisted the temptation of an afternoon on the beach to attend a joint Cuba Solidarity Campaign/Venezuela Solidarity Campaign fringe meeting. Steve Jones – CWU representative on the CSC Executive Committee – reflected on the Cuban Ambassador’s recent visit to the CWU Executive. Her Excellency Esther Armenteros told the CWU how the ongoing blockade of Cuba had cost the country an estimated $750billion over its 50-year history and cited the suffering of Cuban children with cancer who are denied potentially life-saving treatment because of trade restrictions on medical drugs.

Steve vowed that the CWU would continue to “lobby politically in this country, raise awareness with CWU members about the truth in Cuba, challenge media lies and campaign on behalf of the Miami Five”. As Steve declared, “nothing illustrates Cuba’s struggle against foreign intervention better than the unjust treatment of the Miami Five” and CWU General Secretary, Billy Hayes, has previously spoken at the annual vigil for the Miami Five at the American Embassy.

Steve emphasised the need for us to learn from Cuba’s example and praised their achievements in the fields of education, health and internationalism. As Steve said, “Here the government believe competition and choice are the best ways to improve quality and efficiency in our public services. But Cuba has one of the most successful healthcare systems in the world with no competition, no market and no involvement of large for profit multinational private companies”.

CWU’s Head of International Affairs, John Baldwin, reasserted their committed to the Cuba Solidarity Campaign, the campaign to Free the Miami Five and the CWU’s belief that Cuba has the right to choose its own model without foreign intervention.

“No-one in Cuba will be abandoned and everyone will be protected”

2011-05-20T09:51:00.000-07:00

Luis Marron – Political Counsellor at the Cuban Embassy – told a fringe meeting at PCS Annual Delegate Conference that proposed economic reforms in Cuba will ensure that “no-one in Cuba will be abandoned and everyone will be protected”.

Luis asserted the need to differentiate between redundancies and redeployment. The process – which will take five-years to implement – is a result of mass public consultation with heavy trade union involvement. The CTC General Secretary (Cuban TUC) reported to the National Assembly that 3,085,798 workers had met in 85,301 workplace assemblies to discuss the proposals, with 99.1 per cent voting for the changes. For over fifty-years the central aim of the Cuban Revolution has been to guarantee everyone a job and this priority will not change. The process of redeployment in Cuba is aimed to reinvigorate the economy, increase productivity and ensure efficiency.

Around a million workers will be redeployed from state jobs into jobs in either an expanded self-employment sector, an expanded sector of worker co-operatives, or jobs in areas of the state sector that are short of labour, including education, construction, police and agriculture.

Luis contextualised the Cuban economic reforms within the worldwide financial crisis. Lots of debate has been generated by the proposed reforms but, as Luis contended, it is not fair to compare the process in Cuba with the barbaric cuts which are being enforced by the International Monetary Fund in other parts of the world. Cuba – because it is not at the mercy of the IMF – can ensure all citizens are protected and supported.

Luis emphasised the debilitating effects of the ongoing blockade of the island and argued, because Obama’s foreign policy is less overt and aggressive than George W Bush’s, that the situation is more difficult and the blockade is more entrenched.

Alvaro Sanchez, speaking on behalf of the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign, declared that “the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela – which has halved poverty – has only been achieved with the cooperation and help of Cuba in terms of health and education” whilst Hector Wesley, PCS NEC, urged branched to affiliate to the Cuba Solidarity Campaign.

GMB Delegation Enjoy May Day Brigade to Cuba

2011-05-19T05:13:00.000-07:00

The GMB recently sent six delegates on our Young Trade Unionists’ May Day Brigade to Cuba. Two of the delegates from the Northern Region – Craig Maguire and Michael Carey – have written the article below outlining their thoughts and experiences.

As two young trade unionists the opportunity to go to Cuba and experience the highs and lows of Cuban life first hand was an exciting prospect, a once in a lifetime opportunity, not to be missed; to have our eyes opened to the struggles and successes of Cuba and bring back the message of Cuban people for the purposes of international solidarity and awareness of injustice inflicted by the USA.

One of the key messages was about five men, known to us in Britain as the “Miami Five” (or to the people of Cuba “the five Heroes”). These men were arrested on the 12th September 1998 and incarcerated without fair trial; these men are still in prison today. The men were arrested on 26 different charges, the main of which being false identification and espionage. These 5 men where in Miami to gain intelligence on Cuban exile groups and terrorists which posed a threat (and still do to this day) not only to Cuba and its people but a served and damaging threat to the USA also. As a measure of goodwill and humanity, and an attempt to build strong relations with North America, the intelligence gathered was presented to the US authorities, who swiftly and unjustly arrested the men for no more than attempting to preserve life and improve relations, completely ignoring the intelligence presented to them at the whim of an out-dated and draconian grudge against Cuba.

Everywhere we went and everyone we spoke in Cuba had something to say about the issue. We were honoured to spend some time with the families of the five and gained great insight into the tireless campaigning of the family to free the men. We learnt of appeals not being granted and visitation visa’s being refused, of the families pain and hurt on a personal level and of the complete disregard for human rights by America who consider themselves ambassadors of human rights (Gerardo Hernandez states he was held in solitary confinement for 17 consecutive months) and quickly understood the hypocrisy of the USA on the international war against terrorism. There was a complete lack of evidence to uphold the case, yet these men are still in maximum security prisons across America.

We also experienced first-hand the frustrations and problems caused by the blockade on trade set by the Americans on Cuba, stopping the Cuban nation trading internationally, with them losing out on 92 billion dollars last year alone as a result of the illegal embargo. The embargo was set in 1960 and enforced into law by America to a near total embargo on the 7th February 1962. The blockade is financial, commercial and economical and in 1996 the “Helms Burton Act” was passed by US congress denying US Citizens from doing business in or with Cuba. You can see this all around Cuba, illustrated and framed in the vehicles they drive and the crumbling of their beautiful architecture around Havana. The embargo was put in place as America believed the Cuban government should move towards “Democratization and respect for human rights”, which was greatly demonstrated by the Cubans during our visit and so casting doubt over America’s reasoning.

Cuba greatly yearns to be part of the international community, a mutual respect shown by the sheer number of nations that attended the solidarity campaign we were part of. Cuba have sent doctors, nurses and medical clinics to places such as Haiti and Thailand following devastating natural events and also does charitable work in the educational sector worldwide. Although these humane acts have been carried out America still holds the embargo against the Cubans as most recently claimed by Barrack Obama “It is still in the national interest of America”. The Cubans are not allowed credit and is currently in around 20 billion dollars of debt. If this embargo was lifted the country would strive and bloom; last year alone the lifting of the blockade would’ve had the potential to clear Cuba of its debt.

We had the pleasure of watching a play devised by a local school on the five heroes, played out by children ranging in age from four through to fourteen. As we walked into the foyer Cuban music was playing loudly and as we walked in the children were playing professional instruments with mesmerising skill in front of us on a stage and went on to perform an amazingly delivered play based on a lesson undertaken in school where they would discuss politics and are given choice to make their own decisions in life and to embrace the essence of everything, to look deeper and be confident. We felt it was important to mention this as it reflects the high level of education within Cuba (of which 14% of the nation’s wealth is spent) and passion for its own people. Cuba was a shining example to us and the world of what humans are capable of under difficult and hardened circumstances and we believe that there are lessons for us to learn through such a fine education system and patriotic passion for its people and those of other nationalities given the opportunity. Watching their May Day march in Havana it underlines their spirit that they march not against their nation but in proud respect for it, a stark contrast of those nations who too often paint an ill-informed and negative picture of Cuba.

All of the campaigns delegates from 42 different countries received a warm and gracious welcome to Cuba, along with humbling hospitality during our stay. They inspired us with rich history and culture and the passion and unity of the Cuban people, asking only in return that when we leave we speak truthfully of the real Cuba to those that are willing to listen and learn.

We would like to extend our gratitude and thanks to GMB, the Cuba Solidarity Campaign, and the people of Cuba for all they have done for us. It was an awe inspiring trip and we have taken important learns away with us for a lifetime. Thank you, and may all those involved continue to fight for justice for those in Cuba who need our help most.

CSC delegates attend conference on foreign military bases

2011-05-17T06:09:00.000-07:00

During our recent Young Trade Unionists’ May Day Brigade to Cuba three delegates had the honour of attending a conference advocating the abolition of foreign military bases in Guantanamo. One of the delegates – Kevin Donnelly – has produced a report of the conference below.

As a member of this year's May Day brigade to Cuba I was privileged to be one of 33 delegates chosen to attend the 2nd Seminar for the Abolition of Foreign Bases held in the eastern province of Guantanamo on 4th and 5th May 2011. Organised through the World Peace Council, delegates from 36 countries came together to exchange experiences and ideas, condemn the interference of the US and other imperialist forces in the sovereignty of nations, advocate world peace and criticise the military invasions of Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq.

In the opening address, Socorro Gomes, President of WPC, succinctly summed up the extent of the issue;

“Place a finger at random on a map of the world – chances are there will be a foreign base from one of the big powers”

She followed this up with some statistics of the costs; 163 billion spent by the US alone on “contingency operations overseas” (read; “war on terror”) with Latin America being a particular area of strategic importance for the imperialist powers; the 4th fleet is operating in the area and the British presence in the Malvinas/Falklands continues to build up.

This was followed by delegates relating the issues in their particular national or regional contexts. Tadaaki Kawaza from the Japanese Peace Committee for example talked about the 130 bases and 40,000 US personnel imposed on Japan. Ask the US and they will say these forces are for defence. However, Tadaaki made the point that the majority were stationed at Okinawa, miles away from the Japanese mainland but in a strategic position for operations across South East Asia and the Middle East.

A Sri Lankan delegate talked about the Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement (ACSA) between his country and the US - so secret neither parliament nor the cabinet were aware of it but which committed Sri Lanka to supporting the US and which effectively allows the United States to have a foothold in Sri Lanka to open military bases or use ports and airports. Although on paper the agreement puts the US and Sri Lanka down as equal partners, in reality this is a military deal loaded in Washington’s favor. As the delegate said;

“What does Sri Lanka gain from this? If Sri Lanka wants to intervene in any country the US will support!!”

A British delegate focused on the recent evidence exposing the fact that the US were knowingly holding innocent people at the camp installation. The copy of the Morning Star of 26th April - with its headline of “Travesty of justice” - was held up at the conference for all to see.

On the second day the seminar moved from Guantanamo City to Caimanera. Our convoy, peace flags flying, moved along the long straight road flanked by salt flats and guard posts into the little town on the front line with the radar instillations from the illegal base just visible in the distance.

The session began with an outline of the extent of the problem for the local economy; half the bay is illegally occupied and therefore has a massive adverse impact on local industries such as fishing. As Companera Ophelia, a local teacher told the seminar;

“We are a little town in a little country in the third world. How can the mighty powers who rule the world justify having a naval base next to this little town? It’s insane having foreign bases anywhere not just here.”

This was followed by a historical perspective which made the point that the region has long been the target of imperialism – for example the British have had strategic interests here going back to the 18th Century.

The seminar continued with a Greek delegate – referring to the base as a “concentration camp” - outlining the peculiarities of the Cuban situation;

“In other cases bases are hated by the people but tolerated by the government. In Cuba no one wants this!”

This was followed by interventions from Mexico, Honduras, Colombia and Ecuador amongst many others. The latter outlined the successful campaign of resistance to military bases in their country. This was taken up by other delegates who focused on the Central American campaign, an offshoot of the Ecuador experience and which came together to challenge the bases in Colombia – as one comrade stated;

“We can win if we are united and bring all forces into play”.

In turn, the point was made that this conference provided an opportunity to expand and build on continental campaigns and revitalize the international network against foreign bases which had been dormant over the last couple of years.

The seminar ended with a rally in the town square in solidarity with the people of Caimanera and a final declaration which reiterated our commitment to internationalism, world peace and the struggle against imperialism. It was then the little matter of an 18 hour bus trip back to Havana to rejoin the brigade but this was a journey worth undertaking for the experience over the last 2 days of witnessing the passionate commitment of peace activists from around the world coming together on such an important issue.

Teachers Turn Out in Support of Cuba

2011-04-23T11:06:00.000-07:00

Over 80 delegates attended a joint fringe meeting organised by the Cuba Solidarity Campaign and the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign at the National Union of Teachers Conference today.

Visiting educational specialist Dr Isora Enriquez O’Farrill of the Pedagogical University in Havana spoke of her personal experience as a teacher and about her role as a television presenter/teacher in Cuba’s innovative and interactive University for All initiative. University for All is a series of television programmes – particularly focusing on foreign languages – which Cuba has produced to expand the boundaries and accessibility of education.

Isora told delegates about Cuba’s Yo Si Puede (Yes I Can) campaign which has been rolled out internationally to bring language teaching and education to a wealth of developing countries. Countries from Venezuela to Guatemala, from Nicaragua to Mexico are benefiting from Cuba’s prioritisation of education and empowerment of the world’s poorest people. Yo Si Puede has even been developed in Seville, Spain and has been adapted for various indigenous languages in Latin America.

Isora traced Cuba’s commitment to education to the triumph of the revolution. In particular, she highlighted the literacy campaigns of 1961 when “thousands of young urban people went into the countryside to teach peasants and workers how to read and write. The whole country was turned into a classroom”. According to Isora, “education is a gift that government can give to its people. It contributes to the development of the country and enriches the people’s mind”.

Fellow Cuban Professor Eduardo Garbey Savigne of the Havana Medical Sciences University linked Cuba’s emphasis on education with their magnificent records in health and international solidarity. As Eduardo explained:

“We are a developing country with very few resources but we have thousands of medical workers going around the world in developing countries giving medical support. Not only do they give help, but they give opportunities to poor people in developing countries to train to become doctors and raise their aspirations.”

New NUT President Nina Franklin celebrated Cuba’s achievements and declared: “We have so much to learn from Cuba and we don’t do enough nationally to recognise the work Cuba has done educationally and internationally.”

Nina called on the trade union movement to build on its work with CSC and intensify the campaign to free the Miami Five. As she concluded: “it isn’t until you go to Cuba that you realise how important education is. It’s normal in Cuba for schools to have dentists, doctors and nurses on site. Children are at the very centre of Cuban society.”

Former Labour MP Colin Burgon championed the progressive challenge to neo-liberalism in Latin America and heralded Cuba as having “flown the flag for a different kind of politics since the revolution”.

Victor Dreke Cruz: Cuba's history man still talks of revolution

2011-04-19T03:46:00.000-07:00

One of Che Guevara's 'pillars' is in London for the 50th anniversary of the Bay of Pigs. Nina Lakhani meets Victor Dreke Cruz

The curiosity and romanticism surrounding Cuba's revolutionary hero Che Guevara has refused to abate, even slightly, in the 43 years since his death. Victor Dreke Cruz, who served as Che's number two in Africa, is one of the very few who can lay claim to a special personal relationship with the man. Dreke, 74, a former rebel fighter and army commander, is in London to mark the 50th anniversary of the Bay of Pigs invasion, the disastrous attempt by CIA-backed Cuban exiles to overthrow Fidel Castro's communist government, that severely embarrassed President Kennedy.

But Dreke is more than a Che memory bank; he is living Cuban history. His belief in the socialist system remains resolute; his disdain for the US unchanged; his pride for what he, Che, the Castro brothers and the revolution achieved intact. To some, he is a revolutionary hero in his own right.

Dreke was born in March 1937 in Sagua la Grande, a town on the northern coast of central Cuba, the youngest of nine children in a poor family descended from African slaves. His father eked out a living from several jobs – carpenter, fishmonger and musician – his mother was a housewife. Unlike most pre-revolutionary black Cubans, Dreke attended school. He grew up wanting to be a fireman until becoming politicised as a student.

"My revolutionary struggle started on my 15th birthday when we went out to protest against Batista's coup d'état on 10 March 1952. "I didn't know who Batista was but we'd heard that he was cruel, so many students went to the streets to protest. The police came and beat us, and one of them said: 'Who has ever seen a black revolutionary? Black people are only chicken thieves.' "

If the young Dreke needed any encouragement, that casual racist remark, commonplace in pre-revolutionary Cuba, did the trick.

After that he joined and led various rebel groups and underground militia across Cuba, living a precarious life, always "looking for trouble". He narrowly escaped capture and almost certain death at the age of 20, after one member of his group was captured, tortured and gave away his hiding place. Dreke managed to escape hidden in a wardrobe.

Dreke first met Che just weeks before the revolution. "It was 21 or 22 October 1958. I was with a guerrilla group, recovering from gunshot wounds after being attacked by police a few days earlier. Che arrived with his fighters, wearing ragged, torn clothes, exhausted after walking for miles from the east in the pouring rain – it was hurricane season. But someone told him there was an injured man, and so he came immediately to check on my wounds: he was a doctor and a tender man."

The two men fought together in the coming weeks as their units carried out joint operations, most notably taking the city of Santa Clara on 31 December 1958. It was this victory that caused Cuba's President, General Batista, to flee to the Dominican Republic on 1 January 1959. Communist Cuba was born.

Dreke describes Che as a "great leader" who led by example. "He was always looking for the most dangerous places, he was very demanding of himself. He suffered from asthma and had very bad attacks, but still he would go on walking, doing everything that we did – in fact, he did more. Good leaders can't be separate from their men and he was always with us."

Two years later – and 50 years ago today – Dreke, by this time an army captain, sped towards the coastal town of Giron upon hearing the country was under attack as the ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion began.

He led two units, about 150 men, who clashed with invaders in the narrow roads around Giron. After three days of fighting and just hours before victory, Dreke was wounded and briefly captured by mercenaries. Shot in the arm and leg, his life was saved by his driver, who remains a friend, by shielding him from further fire.

The abortive invasion forced the resignation of the CIA's director, Allen Dulles, and deeply embarrassed the new US President, John F Kennedy. American discomfort was compounded by the support the raid generated for Castro's government. As Che said in a note to JFK five months later: "Thanks for Playa Giron. Before the invasion, the revolution was weak. Now it is stronger than ever."

Dreke insists their victory was also important for other countries fighting for independence. "We defeated the American imperialists for the first time in Latin American history and showed that people could live independently and with dignity."

Having proven himself as a trustworthy leader, Dreke, a commander by this point, was chosen by the Castro brothers to serve as Che's number two in the country's first international military mission. They left Cuba secretly in April 1965 for the Democratic Republic of Congo, to train independence fighters struggling against the CIA-backed forces of General (later President) Mobutu.

The journey was an unforgiving one, first by sea and then trekking hundreds of miles overland from Tanzania. "We didn't know Africa, the terrain was completely different, and there were wild animals – lions, elephants, snakes – and so many diseases. We lived in the forest, no houses, no tents and, at first, no hammocks. We didn't speak the language; it was tough."

He recalls how, en route from Tanzania, they had only one loaf of bread to eat. "Che asked me to slice this one loaf of bread for 16 hungry, huge men. It was only after everyone had eaten, he took the last slice, that's the kind of man he was."

During one ambush, Dreke feared Che was dead or kidnapped, only to discover that he had gone ahead alone and was fighting on the front line. "He was very audacious, very brave. He didn't go to Congo to hide or wait for time to pass before he went to Bolivia or Argentina. He went to help."

On their return to Cuba in November 1965, Che wrote of Dreke in his report to Fidel: "He was ... one of the pillars on which I relied. The only reason I am not recommending that he be promoted is that he already holds the highest rank."

Dreke led similar military missions in both Guinea-Bissau and Guinea, and it was while serving in the former that he heard about Che's murder in Bolivia.

"This was a very difficult moment. There were rumours Che had been killed, so I was asked to go to Conakry to see if it was true. I read the dispatches and one mentioned there was a scar on the man's right hand. When I read that I knew it was him. When Che smoked, the way he held his pipe meant you could see the scar, and I had seen him do that many times. It was a very painful moment... he was my boss, my comrade, my brother."

For Dreke, the achievements of the revolution are enduring. Illiteracy was wiped out in a year and ever since there has been universal, free education and healthcare. Racial and sex discrimination, endemic pre-1959, were outlawed almost immediately. He concedes that some things could have been done differently, but sleeps easy at night, he insists.

Dreke is adamant that there is no question of Cuba coming into the American fold, or embracing capitalism, even when Fidel eventually dies. In fact, he believes the global financial crisis is causing people across the world to look for alternatives to capitalism, for governments that choose ordinary people over bankers.

"When Obama was elected many people were very happy because he was a black man; they thought he would be different. To me, he is neither black nor white, he is a capitalist; skin colour has nothing to do with who you are in Cuba ... I'm not disappointed in Obama because I never had any great expectations. The Cuban people now realise Obama is no different to all the others."

He insists that Cuba's socialist future is secure despite Fidel having stood down in favour of Raul: "They are one and the same, united always." Fidel is important for Cubans and for poor people around the world, he says, but Raul is in charge now.

Of Dreke's four university-educated children, only one, his eldest daughter, a doctor, has chosen a military career. Dreke, meanwhile, retired from active military service 20 years ago. He subsequently studied for two degrees, and most recently served as ambassador to Equatorial Guinea. Doing nothing isn't for him.

He is serious and unwavering about the potential of revolution, but still has a cool sparkle, inviting me to go dancing next time I'm in Havana.

"Fidel will die, I will die, we [revolutionaries] will all eventually die, but Cuba will never go back to capitalism. The young people didn't live it, but they know how it was, they have values."

A life of action

10 March 1937 Victor Dreke Cruz born in coastal town of Sagua la Grande, youngest of seven boys and two girls.

1953-55 Works as a carpenter, studying business at night school, and organising student and workers protests in his home town.

1957 Helps form the student-based rebel unit of Revolutionary Directorate in Escambray mountains.

21 October 1958 Comes under the command of Che Ernesto Guevara.

19 April 1961 Two of his men die as their jeep is ambushed just hours before victory at the Bay of Pigs.

1962 Promoted to commander – highest rank in Cuban army; leads the Lucha Contra Bandidos (Fight against Bandits) – special units set up to "wipe-out" CIA-backed anti-communist forces.

1 April 1965 Leaves Cuba for Democratic Republic of Congo as Che's number two.

1972 Graduates with a politics degree from Maximo Gomez Military Academy.

1973 Made chief of Youth Army of Labour, working on agricultural projects.

1981 Graduates from University of Santiago de Cuba with a law degree.

1986-89 Heads the Cuban military mission in Guinea-Bissau.

1990 Retires from active military service.

2000 Made Illustrious Son of Sagua la Grande.

2002 Publishes From Escambray to the Congo. Tours the US.

2003-08 Serves as ambassador to Equatorial Guinea.

2011 Lives with wife in Havana, near his children. Officer of the Cuba-Africa Friendship Association.

Article from The Independent, photograph from Teri Pengilley